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1
"Into"-causatives in world Englishes
In: English world-wide. - Amsterdam [u.a.] : Benjamins 43 (2022) 1, 1-32
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2
When grammaticalization does NOT occur: Prosody-syntax mismatches in Indo-Aryan
In: Diachronica (2022)
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3
Les pronoms possessifs du ḥassāniyya, entre héritage et innovation due au contact
In: Studies on Arabic Dialectology and Sociolinguistics. Proceedings of the 13th International Conference of AIDA, June 10-13, 2019 ; https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03088164 ; G. Chikovani; Z. Tskhvediani. Studies on Arabic Dialectology and Sociolinguistics. Proceedings of the 13th International Conference of AIDA, June 10-13, 2019, Akaki Tsereteli State University, pp.275-284, 2022, ISBN 978-9941-495-52-6 (2022)
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4
統語的複合動詞「V-切る」「V-ぬく」の意味構造と統語 : 文法化における比較に向けて
Toshio HIDAKA; 日高 俊夫. - : 神戸松蔭女子学院大学学術研究委員会, 2022
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5
How and When to Sign “Hey!” Socialization into Grammar in Z, a 1st Generation Family Sign Language from Mexico
In: Languages; Volume 7; Issue 2; Pages: 80 (2022)
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6
Emergence or Grammaticalization? The Case of Negation in Kata Kolok
In: Languages; Volume 7; Issue 1; Pages: 23 (2022)
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7
No lo he visto 'masque' yo? : Emergence and properties of a negative polarity item in Peninsular Spanish
Herce, Borja. - 2022
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8
The Diachrony of hǎa…mây as a Bipartite Negative Construction in Thai
In: Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, Vol 15, Iss 1, Pp 17-39 (2022) (2022)
Abstract: The present study investigates the diachronic development of the bipartite negative construction hǎa…mây in Thai, aiming to account for its syntactic and semantic peculiarity. Based on the historical data from the Sukhothai period to Modern Thai, I suggest that the development of hǎa…mây construction relates to the grammaticalization of the expression hǎa NP míɁ dây ‘fail to find something’. From around the mid-14th century, hǎa NP míɁ dây came to gain a new function as an irregular negative existential construction under the pressure of the recession of the anterior negative existential form bɔ̀ɔ mii ‘not have, not exist’. This function is especially prominent in the 17th century during which the old negator bɔ̀ɔ shows a continuous decrease in the frequency of use and the newer negator mây was not widely used. When the newer negative existential form mây mii emerged around the early 18th century and eventually prevailed over hǎa NP míɁ dây in the 19th and 20th centuries, hǎa NP míɁ dây gradually lost its function as a negative existential form but survived its evolution into a negative adverbial construction through a syntagmatic change (from hǎa NP to hǎa VP), accompanied by a phonetic reduction (from hǎa…míɁ dây to hǎa…mây ) and a semantic reinterpretation(from ‘fail to find something or not exist, not have’ to ‘not VP as one thought’).
Keyword: Africa; bipartite negation; grammaticalization; Languages and literature of Eastern Asia; Oceania; PL1-8844; thai
URL: https://doaj.org/article/88768ce820e8427c901aaf4f3a8e8d9c
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9
‘Do’-support in the northern Italian Camuno
In: Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; Vol 7, No 1 (2022): Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; 5211 ; 2473-8689 (2022)
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10
On the derivation of three-verb clusters in Old English
In: Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; Vol 7, No 1 (2022): Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; 5215 ; 2473-8689 (2022)
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11
Losing a subject, keeping an indirect object: On the “semi-grammaticalized” speech verb in Meadow Mari
In: Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; Vol 7, No 1 (2022): Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; 5253 ; 2473-8689 (2022)
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