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Hits 81 – 89 of 89

81
Obligatory reconstruction and the meaning of traces
In: http://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/2E5MDU5Y/motrSingle.pdf
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82
On Quantifier Raising in German
In: http://edocs.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/volltexte/2009/12804/pdf/SAUERLAND_On_Quantifier_Raising_in_German.pdf
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83
Decomposing Questions Acts
In: http://www.zas.gwz-berlin.de/fileadmin/material/40-60-puzzles-for-krifka/pdf/sauerland.pdf
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84
1.1 Necessary Condition for the Licensing of Focus
In: http://edocs.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/volltexte/2009/12813/pdf/SAUERLAND_The_Content_of_Pronouns_Evidence_from_Focus.pdf
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85
A Contrast to a Trace
In: http://semanticsarchive.net/Archive/TY3MTljM/wccfl01.pdf
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86
No ‘No’: On the Crosslinguistic Absence of a Determiner ‘No’∗
In: http://edocs.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/volltexte/2009/12806/pdf/SAUERLAND_On_the_Crosslinguistic_Absence.pdf
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87
Hardts Surprising Sloppy Readings: A Flat Binding Account ∗
In: http://www.hf.uio.no/ilos/forskning/aktuelt/arrangementer/konferanser/2007/SuB12/proceedings/sauerland_523-536.pdf
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88
Hardts Surprising Sloppy Readings: A Flat Binding Account ∗
In: http://edocs.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/volltexte/2009/12748/pdf/SAUERLAND_Hardts_Surprising_Sloppy_Readings.pdf
Abstract: The paper presents an additional argument for a specific account of semantic bind-ing: the flat-binding analysis. The argument is based on observations concerning sloppy interpretations in verb phrase ellipsis when the binder is not the subject of the elided VP. In one such case, it is important that one of the binders belong to the domain of the other. This case can be derived from the flat-binding analysis as is shown in the paper, while it is unclear how to account for it within other analyses of semantic binding. 1
URL: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.516.1588
http://edocs.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/volltexte/2009/12748/pdf/SAUERLAND_Hardts_Surprising_Sloppy_Readings.pdf
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89
Focus and the Semantic Typology of Reciprocals
In: http://languagelink.let.uu.nl/burs/RCL07/pages/handouts/sauerland.pdf
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