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A Note on Parameter Setting in Contact Situations
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Basque Primary Adpositions from a Clausal Perspective
Abstract: I would like to acknowledge financial support from the projects Ministerio de Ciencia e Innovación, FFI2011-29218, (INTERSYNSEM), and Ministerio de Economía y Competitividad FFI2011-26906, as well as to the network Basquedisyn (supported by the Basque Government) and the UFI UPV/EHU UFI11/14. I am thankful to an anonymous reviewer for a very rich review of the draft, as well as to the audience of the 2011 Colloquium on Generative Grammar, held in Barcelona, and to the research colleagues at the lab IKER (UMR5478) in Bayonne, for repeated input along the years. All errors are mine. ; This paper has as its aim to account for an intriguing asymmetry in the domain of primary adpositions in Basque, whereby locatives seem to take a DP ground, whereas the rest of the spatial affixes require a bare nominal ground. I argue that the purported determiner heading the complement of the locative suffix is actually an allomorph of the ergative suffix, and I provide an explanation for why an independent case marker should occur precisely in locative adpositional phrases in Basque, but not in the rest of spatial cases. This explanation requires in turn reconsidering much of the well-established syntactic conclusions on which the traditional analysis of adpositional phrases in Basque rests. In this process, I develop the idea, first suggested by Koopman (2000), that adpositional phrases should be analyzed in close parallelism to the syntax of clauses. Micro-syntactic differences across dialects provide some of the crucial evidence for the proposal. ; L'objectiu d'aquest article és explicar una interessant asimetria detectada en el conjunt d'adposicions primàries del basc: mentre la resta d'afixos espacials s'adjunten a bases nominals escarides, les adposicions locatives semblen requerir un SD. Defenso que el pressumpte determinant que encapçala el complement del sufix locatiu és en realitat un al·lomorf del sufix ergatiu, i proporciono una explicació de per què es necessita un marcador independent de cas en aquests sintagmes adposicionals, però no en la resta de construccions espacials. L'explicació porta a reconsiderar gran part de les conclusions sintàctiques establertes sobre les quals es fonamenten les anàlisis tradicionals de les adposicions del basc. Per fer-ho, desenvolupo la idea original de Koopman (2000) que cal analitzar els sintagmes amb adposicions mantenint un paral·lelisme estricte amb la sintaxi oracional. Les diferències microsintàctiques entre els dialectes proporcionen algunes de les proves crucials de la proposta.
Keyword: Adposicions; Adpositions; Axial parts; Basc; Basque; Cas ergatiu; Complements locatius; El·lipsi nominal; Ergative; Fons; Ground; Locatives; Nominal ellipsis; Noms de relacions espacials; Parts axials; Spatial nouns
URL: https://ddd.uab.cat/record/114644
https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/catjl.88
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