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1
Do processing resource limitations shape heritage language grammars?
Felser, Claudia (PD Dr.). - 2020
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2
Cleft Focus and Antecedent Accessibility: The Emergence of the Anti-focus Effect
Patterson, Clare; Felser, Claudia. - : Brill, 2020
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3
Delayed Application of Binding Condition C During Cataphoric Pronoun Resolution
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4
The timing of island effects in nonnative sentence processing
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5
Comprehension of wh-questions in Turkish–German bilinguals with aphasia
Arslan, Seçkin (Dr.); Felser, Claudia (Dr.). - 2018
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6
Predicting the sources of impaired wh-question comprehension in non-fluent aphasia
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7
Referential context effects in non-native relative clause ambiguity resolution
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8
Does Dutch a-scrambling involve movement?
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9
The impact of focus on pronoun resolution in native and non-native sentence comprehension
Abstract: Non-native speakers’ sensitivity to discourse-level cues in pronoun interpretation has not been widely researched. We carried out three antecedent-choice questionnaire experiments which investigate the impact of focus on within-sentence pronoun resolution in native and non-native speakers of German and native speakers of Russian. Focus was realized via cleft structures and focus-sensitive particles (FSPs). Findings show a clear difference between native and non-native speakers that is not attributable to first language (L1) influence. Native speakers of German and Russian were less likely to resolve the pronoun to an antecedent in focus via a cleft compared to a non-focused antecedent in the same position (the ‘anti-focus effect’). Unlike the native speakers, non-native speakers did not show an anti-focus effect with clefts but showed a tendency to resolve a pronoun to an antecedent appearing with an FSP. We argue that non-native speakers do not always complete a detailed analysis of the information structural cues when seeking an antecedent and may instead be influenced by surface-level cues that highlight certain antecedents.
Keyword: ddc:400
URL: https://kups.ub.uni-koeln.de/50380/
https://doi.org/10.1177/0267658317697786
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