Hits 1.681 – 1.686 of 1.686
| 1681 |
Doblaje intralingüístico de una película mexicana: del español de México al español de España
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| 1682 |
Análisis discursivo de expresiones con MADRE, PADRE en el habla de México: un estudio de corpus
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| 1683 |
Linguistic stocks of American Indians
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: Center for Southwest Research, University Libraries, University of New Mexico. http://elibrary.unm.edu/cswr/
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In: Zim CSWR G 3301 E3 1890 M3
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| 1684 |
Erique Tafoya
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In: National Hispanic Cultural Center History and Literary Arts Barelas Community Collection Box 275 Folder: Enrique Tafoya (Unknown)
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| 1685 |
Los marcadores de realidad en las telenovelas mexicanas y su uso en el aula de ELE
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Grimm, Anja. - : Universidad Pública de Navarra / Nafarroako Unibertsitate Publikoa
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| 1686 |
Codex Magliabecchi
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In: Codex Magliabecchi, XIII, 11, 3.
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Abstract:
Codices from 15th and 16th century Mexico. These Mesoamerican manuscripts described wars, victories, famine, pestilence, religious events, and other elements of ancient Mesoamerican culture. The codices often consisted of one long extension or band of paper called amatl, produced from the bark of a type of fig tree. Glyphs, or pictorial representations, were used for the text. ; Te, a 7 (larch. [ly 2b, 1904 He of the tte of the Anctent Mexteans CONTAINING AN ACCOUNT OF THEIR RITES AND SUPERSTITIONS AN ANONYMOUS HISPANO-MEXICAN MANUSCRIPT PRESERVED AT THE BIBLIOTECA NAZIONALE CENTRALE, FLORENCE, ITALY REPRODUCED IN FACSIMILE WITH INTRODUCTI ON, TRANSLATION, AND COMMENTARY BY ZELIA NUTTALL PART I.—Introduction and Facsimile UNIVERSITY OF CALIFORNIA BERKELEY 1903 LIBRARY ONIVERSITY oF UTAH PREFACE , \HEoriginal of the Anonymous Hispano-Mexican Manuscript, here reprodu ced in facsimile, is preserved at the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence, where I first sawit in January, 1890. I had beenfrequenting this, the largest library of Italy, in search of Americ ana, when, upon inquiring for old Spanish Manuscripts, Baron Podesta, the distinguished custodian of the manuscript department, brought me a manuscript booklet which he hadnoticed whilst rearranging the vast collection of Oriental Manuscripts underhis care. On examining this I could but realize not only its interest and importa nce, but, also, the curious fact that, althoughit was unknownto me, some of its pages seemed familiar. The latter fact was explained when I found that copies of twenty-three of its eighty pages had been publishedat different times. After looking through the Manuscript I told Baron Podesta how greatly it interested me, and also drewhis attention to a memorandum inscribed, in ink, and in violation of library regulations, on its flyleaf. This note recorded the well-known name of Henry Harrisse and the date May 7, 1885.* Some months later, having assured myself that the Manuscript was inedited, althoug h imperfect copies of twenty-three of its eighty pages were known, I formed the wish to sce it reprodu ced in facsimile and placed within the reach of my fellow students. In recognition of Mr. Harrisse’s right of priority, and after searching through his publications in vain for a mention of the existen ce of the Manuscript, I took the liberty of inquiring from him whether he had ever made any communication concerning it, or had any intention to publish it. In answerto my letter I received the following lines, dated Paris, Februa ry 18, 18gI. “Sir: In reply to your letter of the 16th, I have to say that I have not published anything concerning the Mexican Manuscript of the Florence Biblioteca Nazionale, nor do I intend to do so. It is not in myline. — Yoursverytruly, HenryHarrisse.” Oncein receipt of this note, I felt at liberty to undertake the publication of the Manuscript, and, * Mr. Harrisse’s note reads as follows: “Concerne le Mexique exclusive ment, seconde moitié du XVIe siecle, ceuvre d’un artiste Mexicain quant aux dessins,’’ 270701 having communicated its contents to my esteemed friend, Prof. Henry H. Giglioli, the Director of the Natural History Museumof Florence, he kindly transmitted themto theillustrious Prefect of the National Library, Signor Chilovi, and, in conjunction with him, formally applied to the Italian government and obtained for me the necessary permission to have it reproducedin facsimile. In the Bollettino delle Publicazioni Italiani, issued by the Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale di Firenze, of April 30th, 1892, a notice appeared, announcing that the Manuscript had been brought to light by me in 1890, and that under my supervision and at my own expense its reproduction by photographyand chromo-lithography had just been completed. It was, at that time, myintention to issue the publication immediately, but when myattempts to identify the author and date of the Manuscript proved fruitless, I thought it best to delay matters until after I had attended the Huelva Meeting of the Congress of Americanists in 1892, and had had the opportunity of continuing my researches in the libraries of Spain. Meanwhile, the important passage on p. 12 r. of the Manuscript,* in which it is stated that the native year begun on a day of the same sign as that of the year, inspired me to make a reconstruction of the Ancient Mexican Calendar System, based on this current views held on the subject.t Mysubsequent studies in connection with my volume NewWorld Civilizations,” and the Codex which bears my to say nothing of that spent in fulfilment of scientific valuable note, which has since changed the on ‘The Fundamental Principles of Old and name, next absorbed mytime and attention, missions, of travel, etc. A strange fatality seemed to hang over my repeated attempts to publish the present Manuscript. No sooner had I finished some part of it and had reasonable hope to issue it soon, than some unforeseen and unavoidable circumstance rudely interrupted my work, causing fresh delays, which no one has deplored more than I have. In justice to myself I should, however, state that during the interval between mydiscovery of the Manuscript and the present publication I have taken pleasure in placing copies of the Manuscript at the disposal of those of my fellow students who were interested therein, besides exhibiting it at several expositions, thus giving many persons the opportunity of seeing and studying it. Years ago I presented a complete copyof the facsimile to Prof. Ed. Seler, of Berlin, who has since published, with my partial consent, nearlyall of its pictures and some ofits text. Through my recommendation Sefior Troncoso had free access to the Manuscript, and has made numberless references to it in his writings. Indeed, it was , : The page numbers referred to are those at the top of each alternate page. The numeration of the origina l, in which several blank pages occur,is reproduced in the lower right-hand cornerof the same pages. {| See Prof. Ed. Seler’s statements about the beginning of the Mexican year before and since 1892. lV — his kindly wish to name the Manuscript after me, an honor which I was obliged to decline because my onumntemiiaen name was given to the Codex I brought to light. Sefior Dr. Nicolas Leon, in his Historia de Mexico, and Mr. Stewart Culin of Brooklyn, have also published pictures from the Manuscript furnished by me. If I have thus written, somewhat in detail, about the causes of my delay in publishing this Manuscript, it is because this delay has been misunderstood by some and criticised by others. I will not dwell here upon the attempts which have been made to usurp my right of priority. Any annoyance I may have felt at these has been drowned in the satisfaction afforded me by the fact that the only persons who had the right to resent my unintentional delay, namely, the Italian authorities, have never shown me aught but kindness and good will. I find no words with which to express my profound appreciation and gratitude to Signor Chilovi, Baron Podesta, and last, but not least, Professor Giglioli, for the energyand loyalty with which, in my absence and without my knowledge, they each time defended a right of publication which they never ceased to regard as justly deserved and held. Being scholars themselves, they have understood how unforeseen difficulties and circumstances have hindered me in the performance of myself-imposed task, and they have shared mydesire that, before publishing the Manuscript, which is anonymous, undated, and unfinished, I should neglect no opportunity to ascertain something definite concerning its history, date, and authorship. Knowing howdeeply I am interested in the Manuscript, and that I would spare no pains in preparing my commentaryonthe text, they have been content to wait until I had completed this to my satisfaction, and kindly gave me to understand that they considered it worth waiting for. The commentaryis still in press, for, in my desire to makeit as useful to students as possible, I have rewritten it twice, and filled it with references to the literature on the many and different subjects treated in the Manuscript. To avoid further delay in the publication of the Manuscript, it is deemed advisable to issue Part I, containing the present introduction and the facsimile made in Florence, in advance of the translation and commentary forming Part II, which will shortly follow. The present workis published by the Fund for Archaeological Research in Mexico, that has so generously been placed at the disposal of the Department of Anthropology of the University of California bytwo distinguished Californian women: Mrs. William H.Crocker and Mrs. Whitelaw-Reid, to whom a grateful acknowledgment is here expressed. Casa ALVARADO, CoyoAcAN, MEXICO, September 10, 1903 ZN . by INTRODUCTION ao CCORDING to the oldest catalogues extant the Anonymous Manuscript, which is classified as Cod. Magl. XIII, 11, 3, belonged to the library of 30,000 volumes collected by Antonio Magliabecchi. This was bequeathed byhim to his native city, and constituted an independent library until 1862, when other collections were incorporatedinto it and the present Biblioteca Nazionale Centrale of Florence was formed. Antonio Magliabecchi was regarded by his contemporaries as a literary prodigy, and was, undoubtedly, the most remarkable bibliophile of his time. During a period of forty-one years he filled the congenial position of court-librarian to the Grand Duke of Tuscany, Cosimo de Medici.* The fact that it had belonged to Antonio Magliabecchi not only indicates that the Manuscript should bear the name of the celebrated bibliophile, but also proves that it has certainly been in Florence since 1714. Another valuable piece of circumstantial evidence reveals that the Magliabecchi Manuscript, or an older original, of which it is an early copy, was known in Spain before 1601, and was then considered as of first importance. In the frontispiece of his ‘“‘ Descripcion de las Indias Occidentales,” published by order of the Emperor, Charles V, in 1601, by the Royal Historian and Chronicler, Antonio de Herrera, there are engraved vignettes unmistakably representing the identical pictures of deities that occur on Pp. 32, 33, 44, 52, 53, and 61 of the Magliabecchi Manuscript. Two vignettes, in the frontispiece of Decade II of his “ Historia General,” likewise appear to be reproductions of the scenes depicted on pp. 18 and 58, since they exhibit certain characteristic details which are not given in any other known Mexican Manuscript. The above facts definitely establish that the Magliabecchi Manuscript, or an older original, was among the many documents relating to the history of New Spain which were placed in Herrera’s hands by an Imperial order, to which the Royal Historian gratefully refers in the preface to his work.f There * Antonio Magliabecchi was born in Florence in 1633, and died in 1716. According to the custom of the times his ‘‘ Eulogy’? appeared in the “ Giornale de’ Litterati d’ Italia’? (Vol. 33, Part I), in 1719-1720 (published in Venice in 1721). The special interest he took in foreign manuscripts is best shown byhis descriptive catalogue of the Hebraic, Arabic, Persian, and Turkish Manuscripts contained in his Catalogue of the Palatine Library, published by J. G. Schellhornius in Amoenitateslitterariae (Vol. III, pp. 172-224), Frankfurt, 1725. ¢ Herrera’s frontispieces also display other vignettes with curious pictures and trophies copied from some other now unknown manuscript. Vii also exist two other copies of the same series of Mexican festivals contained in a portion of the Magliabecchi Manuscript. A careful study of these has furnished me with some valuable andinteresting data. I found one of these copies, the existence of which did not seem to be known to Americanists, in a boundcollection of manuscripts, preserved at the Royal Library of Madrid, where I studied and partly copied it in 1892. This volume is catalogued as “ Fiestas de los Indios, Manuscript II, H. 6,” but the full title inscribed on the fly-leaf is: — ‘“Modos que tenian los Indios para celebrar sus fiestas en tiempo de la Gentilidad y figuras ridiculas usavan.” (The modes in which the Indians celebrated their festivals in heathen times and the que de ridiculous pictures they used.) A note follows the title stating that the Manuscript volume had been “ compiled at the solicitation and expense of Don Mariano Fernandez de Echeverria y Veytia, Knight of the Order of Santiago,” and forms one of the parts which are to adorn the “ Historia General de la Nueva Espafia,” which said author was writing or had written. The first Manuscript of the collection begins with an account of the “ Mode of counting employed by the Mexicans,” and records the Nahuatl names of the numbers ranging from I to 1003. Next follows a “Calendar of fixed and movable festivals,” in which the native year is made to begin on daycorresponding to February 2d, to which is added the following important note by Veytia: — “This Calendar and information about the fixed and movable feasts was copied by me in Mexico, in the year 1755, from an extremely ancient Manuscript, which was one of the many rare documents collected by the Chevalier Don Lorenzo de Boturini. These [documents] are deposited by order of the Kingin the Government office of Don Joseph Gorraez, who, out of friendship, lent me them all. I made copies of a numberof the most curious amongst them. The original, from which I copied this, is, according to Boturini, in the handwriting of Don Fernando de Alva Ixtlilxochitl. In it only the days of the first nine months of the year are given — the remainder are left in blank, because, doubtlessly, he intended to fill them in later on when occasion required, and assumed that, meanwhile, the order of the first months showedthe progression of the others. For greater clearness I have entered themall at length; and, for the same reason, I have written them downin a different way to that adopted inthe original. . . ” The treatise on the Mexican Calendar System by Veytia, which follows, is illustrated by a ‘table copied from one of Sefior Boturini’s Manuscripts, in which the four periods of the Mexican Cycle are given with their hieroglyphs.” After this follows a series of colored drawings corresponding to those on pp. 17, 19-34, and 50 of the Vili Magliabecchi Manuscript, accompanied by a written text describing the festivals and deities of the Mexicans.* In addition to this series, Veytia’s Manuscript contains larger drawings of two Mexican gods and the Great Temple of Mexico, which do not occur in the Magliabecchi Manuscript, and to whichI will refer later. The last document in the precious volume is headed by the following title signed by Veytia. “Chronological note of the foundation of Mexico and its kings, which I extracted from a Manuscript in the handwriting of the celebrated Don Carlos de Siguenza y Gongora, which was written by him in 1618. I copied itin Mexico in 1755. Veytia.” Ananalysis of the contents of Veytia’s Collection shows that as he distinctly specifies the three documents, which were copied by him whilst he was in Mexico in 1755, those that were “compiled at his solicitude and expense ” must have been the first Manuscript, containing the illustrated series of Mexican festivals, and the set of three larger drawings. Having thus reviewed the Veytia Manuscripts, to which I will revert, we will next examine the other copy of the series of Mexicanfestivals, contained in a document which belonged to the late J. M.A. Aubin and is described by Mr. Eugéne Boban under the name of “ Codex Ixtlilxochitl” in his “ Catalogue Raisonné de la Collection de M. E. Eugéne Goupil. Paris, 1891.” This document which, according to Mr. Boban “had belonged to Siguenza y Gongora, then to Boturini, and had been brought to Paris by Mr. Aubin in 1840,” consists of twenty-seven pages, the first of which is numbered 94. Beside the illustrated descriptions of eighteen festivals, corresponding to those given in the Veytia Manuscript, it contains differently grouped reproductions of the pictures of mortuary customs given on pp. 55 and 56 of the Magliabecchi Manuscript, beside two of the three larger drawings of the Veytia Collection. It also contains certain portraits of Mexican kings, which do not appear in the latter collection. Reference should be made here to the well-known fact that, with Mr. Aubin’s permission, the eminent Mexican scholar, Fernando Ramirez, made a copyof all the pictures of the above Manuscript, with the exception of the royal portraits. If he also, as probable, copied the text, his notes were lost, for, after his death, the pictures only were published as an appendix to the Atlas of Friar Duran’s work, with an explanatory note by Sefior Alfredo Chavero.f For the laudable purpose of placing the missing Spanish texts within the reach of those who possess * The order in which these pictures occur and a collation of the text are given in my commentary contained in Part II of the present publication. + Historia de las Indias de Neuva Espafia, Fray Diego Duran, Mexico, 1867 and 1880. 1X ~ » Duran’s “Historia,” Mr. Boban published them zz extenso in his Catalogue, as well as photogravures of eight pages of the fragmentary Manuscript, to which he gave the name Codex Ixtlilxochitl Mr. Boban’s positive statement that the document had belonged to Boturini is in direct opposition to the opinion held by its former owner, Mr. Aubin, who took pains to classify it amongst the Manuscript of his. collection, which “had not belonged to Boturini.” He describes it as follows: “Fragments, on ordinary paper, which belonged to Siguenza. On pp. 94 to 113° are painted the principal festivals of the Mexican Calendar, as in the Letellier Manuscript of the Bibliothéque Nationale, beside a few figures of deities and kings. After p. 113° there is an iJ explanation of the Manuscript, partly in the handwriting of Ixtlilxochitl, according to Gama, who made a copy of it, which is also in mypossession.” * Aubin’s description of the document as “ fragments,” and as being only “ partly in the handwriting of \ Ixtlilxochitl,” is important because it proves that he recognized that it consisted of several distinct parts drawn from different sources. Mr. Boban also recognizes that the pictures of Mexican festivals form a series distinct from the royal portraits, and makes the interesting observation that, whereas the majority of the pictures are of clumsy and bad draughtsmanship, two of the portraits of Mexican rulers are “ remarkably painted, being almost like miniatures.” The foregoing collective evidence tends to prove that the “ Codex Ixtlilxochitl” consists of three fragments, one of which only, namely, the text describing the Mexican Calendar, may be assignable to Ixtlilxochitl and identified with No. 5, Par. 58 of the Boturini Collection. On the other hand, | oe Speen that the document had belonged to Siguenza is corroborated by a passage on Pp. // ) of | Ixtlilxochitl, Gama describes in detail a representation of the Mexican rain-god, Tlaloc, adding : — Leon y Gama’s well-known work: “ Descripcion de las dos Piedras.” In this, without any mention of “This is the form, disposition, and colors of an ancient original painting made by the Indians, which belonged to Don Carlos de Siguenza, and of which I have a faithful and exact copy. Dr. Gemelli also | made a copy of this, which he published on p. 78 of Vol. VI of his ‘Giro del Mundo,’ which differs ) somewhat, as in the original the little finger [of the god] is raised.” A reference to the “ Giro del Mundo” shows that the picture of Tlaloc is identical not only with that of the Aubin Manuscript, but also with that of the Veytia Manuscript. What is more: the series of royal portraits published by Gemelli Careri (unfortunately with wrong names) are also identical with those of the Aubin Manuscript. d’antiquités Mexicaines icai j (27 pp., Paris, 1851), republished in Vol. II of Boban’s Catalogue Raisonneé. i et manuscrits peintures € collection d’antiquités * Notice sur une collection X “ r Careri’s statement that he copied these portraits from ancient originals in Siguenza’s possession belonged trongly corroborates Aubin’sassertion that the Manuscript containing the royal portraits had nza. Careri’s ackn ywledgment that the latter had also made him apresent of some original amongst the [anuscripts* may explain the presence of the two original, finely executed, royal portraits . igh drawings of the Aubin Manus« ript. was in the In his note Aubin designates Gama as responsible for the statement that the Manuscript that it is of handwriting of Ixtlilxochitl As to Gama’s copy, to which Aubin refers, Mr. Boban records was identical with that of the Calendar only, and tl iat Gama added to this a note stating that the latter of the ‘“‘ Museo Indiana.” A the Manuscript of the Boturini Collection, described as No. 5, Par. 28, Manuscript by careful investigation reveals, however, that Gama’s identification, as applied to the Aubin Ir Mr. ipt as being ‘in folio,” whereas Boban, must be erroneous, for Mr. Boban describes this Manuscr more, in his “Descripcion de No. 5, Par. 28, of the Boturini list, is entered as “in quarto.” Further and quotes from Manuscript las dos Piedras” (p. 49) Leon y Gama refers to Ixtlilxochitl as authority No. s, Par. 28, a passage which does not exist in the Aubin Manuscript. Describing the festival held his temple, he says that “it was about in honor of the god Totec, or Xipe, and of the sacrificial stone in three spans [palmas] in height, and two in width.” that “in the fragment already On p. 54, of the same publication, Gama and Bustamante inform us festival of the year was Atlahualco, cited [No. 5, Par. 28] Ixtlilxochitl expressed the view that the first This passage is of special importance and that it began on a day corresponding to our2d of February.” as identical with that copied by Veytia, as, in the first case, it proves that the document cited by Gamaw ing to Boturini, was in the handwhich, as I have shown, was directly from the original which, “ accord writing of Ixtlilxochitl.” i, first feast of the year, In the Aubin Manuscript the first festival is described thus: “ Xilomaniztl Wil r ist of March.” that his “Giro del tt sat Gemelli Careri had never left Italy, and * Contrary to statements of Robertson and Adam Smith, who maintained Vera Cruz, as Mr. (not Acapulco in landed Seas, South the from writer, after a voyage Mundo ”’ was purely imaginary, it is certain that the Neapolitan graphic description a contains work w here he spent some months. His Boban states) in January, 1697. Hethencetravelleddirectly to the City of Mexico, director of a large and Mexico, of University the at then professor of mathematics f his first meeting wi th Dr. Carlos Siguenza y Gongora, who was rawings.”’ d and who immediately showed him “several ancient writings and iti haritable i itable institution, the Mexican Cycle and other by Siguenz a, Gemelli C areri published a picture of Besides the royal portraits copied from ancient originals kept of these extraordinary present a me , gave also who kindness of Don Carlos [Siguenza], iquities of Mexican Indians‘‘ which were due to the d iligence and ies? — Giro del Mundo, Part ‘‘ On NewSpain.’’ Ixtlilxochitl Manuscript and that of the Manuscript attributed by Gama to + Two other cases of markeddifferences between the text of the Aubin xi The following is a brief summaryof the circumstantial evidence that has been present n : pre- ceding pages: Of the eighty-one pages, of which the Magliabecchi Manuscript consists, there are tw exhibit a series of pictures of Mexican feasts and deities, of which other copies exist and have bees pub lished. The earliest reproductions of a few of these pictures are found on the fron ispieces of Herrera works published in Spain in 1601. A Manuscript copyof the whole series is preserved with other Manuscripts in a bound \ vhich a pan eee . ek Tat oe Bee aed was “compiledat the a tf solicitude and expenseof Veytia” and nowbelongs to th Royal Library at Madrid. The Manuscripts with whichit is thus associated are accompanied by notes stating that Veytia copie whilst in Mexico in 1755. Veytia states that the original of one of these was in the |handwriting of Don Carlos Siguenza y Gongora, was dated 1618, and related to the history of Mexic » and its kings. The 101 ; described i} i ‘ . original ; ofi another is “rant * the Roturini Collecas having been “an extremely ancient Manuscript of the Botu: eer tion, in the handwriting of Ixtlilxochitl,” which contained a calendar of the fixed and movable festivals, according to which the beginning of the native year corresponded to February 2. This last description is specially noteworthy, because it proves the identity of the original “ extremely ancient” Manuscript with that designated as No. 5, Par. 28, of Boturini’s Viuseo ‘“ Catalogo Indiano.” The third copyof the series of Mexican festivals and d eities exists in a Manuscript Pp which belonged to the learned French bibliophile J. Aubin, and is described by him as “ fragments” having belonged to Siguenza y Gongora, and as being, according to Gama, in the handwriting of Ixtlilxochitl. A careful study of the Aubin Manuscript reveals that it consis ts of no fewer than four distinct fragments. The first contains a copyof the drawings andtext of tl 1e series of Mexican festivals and deities, corresponding to those given on pp. 17-34, 49, 50, §5, and 56 of the Magliabecchi Manuscript. The second fragment, which undoubtedly belonged to the Boturini Collection, consists of the identical portraits of four Mexican “kings,” published by Gemelli eeIn Careri. The | atter, however, made mistakes the names of the kings, and, in addition to the above four portraits, published the picture of a “‘ Mexican soldier” and the seated portrait of a king, whom he erroneously designates as MontezumaII, whereas are worth citing here. —On p. 60, of. : 1: ° = made made ¢ of cit., G ama states that, according to Ixtlilxochitl, the native girls and boys wore crowns and wre toxcatl, z.e., pop-corn, and also carried a rope made of strung pop-co a dance performed in rn thefestival during Tozcatl. In the text, descriy set} 6 : * sc Ai8 festival in the~ Aubin a Manuscript, there ais absolutely no mention Se of pop-corn or of the above dance. On p. 78, _ » the icture Gama remarks: In the pi i age > sapinsanas “ aonth Etzalcoaliztli, Ixtlilxochitl Ixtlilxochitl represents repr s Tl: Tlaloc as; holding re . one hand, and, :in the other, the ; anaa maize plant in + used used by by the the I Indians to dig instrument = € earth.’’ w oa Sars . . Of thea two o ‘ pictures . a of rn 7 Tlaloc, contained . . . . in the2 Aubin , x : . 1, Manuscript, not one is figured with the “coa’’ or characteristic native wooden spade. xil f these No. 3 who was an ancestor of Ixtlilxochitl.* nor the following three pictures occur in the Magliabecchi Manuscript. Frag- portraits of the Aubin Manuscript consists of two pictures only, which correspond to two out of the illustrations copied in the Veytia Manuscript. One of these pictures, that of the rain-god, also published by Gemelli Careri, who copied it from a Manuscript belonging to Siguenza. Another of the pictures, that of the Great Temple, which is accompanied by a descriptive text in the Veytia and the Aubin Manuscripts, also figures in one of Herrera’s frontispieces. Phe fourth fragment of the Aubin Manuscript consists of ten pages, with a description of the Mexican lar. 7 undoubtedly also corresponds to No. y Veytia. In this 5, Par. 28, of the Boturini Collection, which Calendar, which has been unanimouslyattributed to Ixtlilxochitl, the year is said to correspond to February 2d. Considering that Ixtlilxochitl is identified with this of date, it is evident that he could not have been the authorof the original of the Aubin, Magliabecchi Manuscripts, in each of which the native year is made to correspond with h 1st. On the other hand, the Veytia and Aubin Manuscripts are undoubtedly associated with Carlos to the direct or indirect agency by which the Magliabecchi Manuscript L vs on d Florence is perhaps afforded by the fact that, immediately upon his return to Italy in 1703, eri, to whom Siguenza had made a present of rare Mexican Manuscripts, actually visited the Grand al Library at Florence, Magliabecchi being its librarian at the time.f Considering the friendly relations that the Italian traveller had established with the foremost of Mexican ~ bibliophiles and with a number of influential officials and ecclesiastics, he was certainly in a position to aid, no one else could at that time, in securing Mexican Manuscripts for the Grand Ducal library and its librarian.t una Nueva Historia,” p. 84. * See “ Idea de 7 nis St. ¢ TG I e a Or ( e 1 Grand Duke In this passage Boturini states that this portrait, published by Careri, was copied from an original C (who ng found means On Sunday I sawthe famous library of the Grand Duke, which is preserved in a large hall of the Monastery What renders this library remarkable are its 3,000 very beautiful facade made according to Buonarotti’s design. fromthe amongst others there was a Hebraic Bible which the Jews of Leghorn wishedto buy back I was assured had taken it from them) for 70,000 ducats. to It was Clement VIII, of the Medici family, who assembled this treasure of Manuscripts, get many of them from the Library at Constantinople.’’ of Mexico, I recently came across a large oil-painting in an extremelydilapidated condition, t In an old half-ruined, Franciscan monastery in the Valley whichis a lengthy, cribed with the Grand Duke Cosimo III’s name. It represents scenes in the lives of members of the Franciscan order, beneath the picture was when away torn been evidently having canvas the missing, unfortunately is this of half larger The tly obliterated Latin inscription. spoiled of its tram¢ COSIMOIIl. fhe first line of the inscription is, however, perfectly legible, and reads as follows: SERENISSIMO Xill Whether Gemelli Careri was instrumental in securing the Magliabecchi Manuscript or not, one possibly significant fact remains, namely, that whilst he was in Mexico he was in close relations with Siguenza, and that the latter’s name is also associated with the Veytia and Aubin Manuscripts. A comparative study of the same pictures and texts as reproduced in the Magliabecchi, Veytia, and Aubin Manuscripts yields the following interesting results: While the drawings in the Magliabecchi Manuscript are amongst the finest specimens of native art that have been handed down to us, the Veytia and Aubin copies are incorrect and carelessly drawn. A striking instance of these defects occurs in the Aubin Manuscript where the deity of the festival Toxcatl is depicted in a sitting posture, but without the seat whichis represented in the Magliabecchi Manuscript. A curious detail which appears to connect the Veytia and Aubin Manuscripts with each otheris the omission, in both Manuscripts alike, of the text describing the festival Tlacaxipehualiztli, and of the picture of the festival Tocoztli, both of which occur, however, in the Magliabecchi Manuscript. The natural inference is that the Veytia and Aubin Manuscripts must have or, more probably, from the same mutilated extract of a larger work of which is the original or an ancient copy. The ignorant carelessness with which the first-named copies were made both alike, the text pertaining to the festival Tocoztli is erroneously assigned liztli and that of Hueytocoztli to Tocoztli. been copied fromeachother, the Magliabecchi Manuscript is shown bythe fact that, in to the festival Tlacaxipehua- An analogous error, which may indicate that the writer of the text of the Magliabecchi Manuscript Nn was also a mere copyist, occurs on its pp. 37 and 38, the texts to which have been interchanged. The most remarkable feature in connection with the three manuscripts is the extent to whichthe texts they have in commondiffer from each other in grammatical style, in construction and orthography. The text of the Aubin Manuscript closely corresponds to that of the Magliabecchi Manuscript, but the orthographyis moreilliterate, and all Nahuatl words are less correctly spelled. Onthe other hand, Veytia’s text is amplified, for with a view of future publication, it was evidentlyhis endeavor to correct the illiterate style of the original text, and to render it more intelligible by interspersing explanatory remarks, and adding details learned from other sources. MA GNO DUCI ETRURIAE. . It can readily be understood how much I should have liked to postpone the present publication a little longer, in order to make investigations with the aim of ascertaining whether there is any connection between the presence of the Grand Duke’s name in a . ranciscan monastery in Mexico, and the presence in Florence, not only of the Mexican Manuscript which belonged to Cosimo’s court librarian, but also The inscripted painting in Mexico and the Mexican Manuthe Manuscript of the Franciscan friar Bernardino de Sahagun’s monumental Historia. script in Florence appearto be tangible proofs of the existence of some old chain of connection, the intermediate links of which are, unfortunately, lost. Xiv lhe following transcriptions of the text describing the festival-Panquetzaliztli, as it appears in the three Manuscripts accompanying the identical illust rations, exemplify the remarkable variations in spelling and differences in style they present. MAGLIABECCHI MANUSCRIPT Esta fiesta Ilamavanlos yndios Panquezalizti que era la mayor fiesta de su afio. En ella celebravan al demonio que ellos llamavan Vigilopoxtli que era de sus dioses amigo de Tezcatepocatl llamase la fiesta Ypanquezaliztli porque en ella ponian al uigilopochtl i encima de la cabega una cosa ancha que ellos llaman panitl de colorazul los indios llaman texutli. Y vestianlo de papel pintado y una rrodela de cuero en la mano enesta fiesta era grandissima la multitud de gente que sacrificava en Mexico de los que avian preso de taxcala y quaxogingo. AUBIN MANUSCRIPT [AS PUBLISHED BY Mr, BoBan } Chanuba VI de diciembre panguezaliztli. Esta fiesta llamaban los yndios Xanquegalistli que era la mayor fiesta de su afio en ella selebravan el demonio que ellos Ilamaban Vigilopuxtli que era de sus mayores dioses amigo de tezcatepocatl llama, base la fiesta Ypanquegaliztli porque en ella ponian al Vigilopuxtli ensima de la cabesa una cosa ancha que ellos Ilaman pantli de cosavagiad llos * yndio llamantexutli y bestianle de papel pintado y una rrodela de cuero en la mano en esta fiesta era grandisima la multitud de jente que se sacrificaba en Mexico, de los que avian preso enlas guerras de tascala y guaxocingo. VEYTIA MANUSCRIPT Lafiesta 14* se celebrava a 6 de Diciembre y era la mas solemne de todo el afio en honor de una de sus maiores Deidades llamada Huitzilopochtli que era el Dios de la Guerra. Llamaban a esta fiesta Xanquetzalistli, por que la ponian a su Dios en la Cabeza sobre el Casquete una como vanderilla que llamaban Xantli, y era como insignia de Victoria o triumpho, y tambien la Ilamaban Texutli porque era de color azul,f y le vestian de papeles pintados del mismo Color con un escudo y saetas en la mano. En * It is evident that, the text being somewhat illegible, Mr. Boban rendered the words as above, whereas theyshould read as in the Magliabecchi MS. + It is obvious that Veytia here misunderstood the original text, as, instead of stating that the banner named panitl was blue, the native name for which color was texutli, he says that the banner itself was also called texutli, because it was blue. XV esta fiesta sacrificaban multitud de personas de los que eran prisioneros de Guerra, particularmente en su gran templo de Mexico, y mucho mas en el Reinado de Moctezumasegundoquele veneré con particularidad y sacrificaban en su honortodaslos prisioneras que se hazian en la Guerra, de Tlaxcallan y Huaxocinco. After a perusal of the above texts, it can readily be understood how muchthe existing variants and differences, all of which I have carefully noted in Part II, have added to my difficulties in editing this work. The result of a minute comparison of the three texts is that I am inclined to believe that the Veytia and Aubin Manuscripts must have been either copied from each other or from the same extract from a more voluminous work, of which the Magliabecchi Manuscript is the original or an ancient copy made by a native draughtsman. There can be no doubt that the drawings in the Magliabecchi Manuscript were made by a Mexican, whose work is characterized by an exceptionally clear execution of outline and detail and a perfect familiarity with the conventionalism of native art. It is unfortunate that the explanatory text is incomplete, and does not accompanyeleven of the most interesting pages of the Magliabecchi Manuscript. This regrettable fact, in addition to the careless inter- change of the texts of pp. 37 and 38, lead to the inference that the text could not have been written by the same person who painted the pictures, and that it was subsequently filled in by a copyist who did not complete his task. Besides being incomplete, the text of the Magliabecchi Manuscript is in two handwritings. A change to a smaller and lighter round script is observable in the middle of Pp. 59 (reverse), but this difference is probablyassignable to the writer’s adoption of a fresh quill and his desire to concentrate the words into the limited space available. Onpp. 12 obv. and 73 and 75 obv,the notesare, however, written in the totally different running script of the sixteenth century. It is, of course, impossible to determine whether these notes were hastily added by the writer of the large scholastic round hand, or whether they were inscribed at a later date by a nt - different person. Certain passages seem to indicate that the anonymous author did not reside in the City of Mexico. The expression, “ They sacrificed in Mexico,” occurs on p. 30r.; and on p. 16 r. the following statements are made: ‘‘The Indians named this festival Xilomaniztli, but the people of Mexico and some others nameit Alcaualo.” . . . “In Mexico they drown these children in canoes.” The following passage conveys the impression that the anonymous author could not have been a friar, for on p. 52 r. he proXV1 : tests against the misapplication by ‘the friars” of the native term Mictlan, which, hewrites, “was used by the natives merely to designate the place to which the dead go. Somenative interpreters have usedthis word to designate ‘hell,’ which is a mistake, because the Indians had no analogous word. Therefore when thefriars preach andtell themthat if they are bad guardians of thefaith they will go to ‘ Mictlan,’ it signifies nothing to them. . . . One shouldtell them that they will go to ‘the house of the devil.’ . .” It seems almost impossible to reconcile a statement such as this, which reveals an intimate knowledg e of the meaningof a native word, with the gross linguistic mistake committed, for instance, on p. 6 r., where the Nahuatl word for nose, “ yvacatl,” is confounded with that for ear, “nacaztli’”’; and the word Meee as: mingqui,” which simply means “that which has corners,” is barbarouslytranslated as “dead nose,” the word “minqui” being also wrongly connected with “ miquiztli,” death. Theallusion on p. 27 r. to the “lord Marquis del Valle” seems to have been made during the lifetime of Cortez, and couldnot, at all events, have been made prior to 1529, in whichyear this title was created. Thinking that the water-mark* of the Spanish paper on which the Manuscript is written might furnish some indication as to its age, I searched for and examined a large number of miscellaneous manuscripts on identical paper, at the Archivo de Indias at Seville, and carefully noted the dates recorded upon them. The earliestt manuscript I thus found was dated 1562, and the latest 1601, a date whichcuriously coincides with the testimony furnished by Herrera’s frontispieces, which were published in 1601. After years of painstaking research, it is disappointing to have to record that up to the present I have not succeededin obtaining conclusive evidence establishing the authorship and date of the Magliabecchi Manuscript. That a work dealing with heathen rites should not have been published by the Spanish missionaries, and should have been consigned to oblivion, is but natural. As late as the middle of the seventeenth century a well-known Spanishfriar, Friar Augustin Betancurt, made the following confession: “I had written a treatise of the false gods of the heathen times in this New Spain, and of the cult, ceremonies, and festivals that were held in their honor; but, upon the advice of learned men, and knowing from experience how muchthe natives are inclined to idetalion I decided not to have it printed, because, as the majority of them knowhowto read, the descriptions of heathen ceremonies might tempt them to assemble and perform these. . .” Onthe other hand, it is difficult to resign one’s self to the belief that no record survives of the existence of a work so important that Herrera reproduced some ofits illustrations and others made extracts from its * This water-mark represents an open hand witha five-pointed star above its middle finger. by 155 millimetres. XVIi The size of the pages of the original Manuscript is 212 pages. It is obvious that the Aubin fragment cannot be attributed to the authorship of Ixtlilxochitl, because it records that the native year began on March 1, whereas he maintained that it began on February 2.* At the same time, the close association of this fragment with others which can undoubtedly be assigned to Ixtlilxochitl, justifies the inference that it may have belongedto his collection, and was possibly a copy in his handwriting of a portion of an ancient original. In connection with Ixtlilxochitl’s collection the following note by Bustamante is of interest: “ Although the Indian historian [Ixtlilxochitl] possessed various ancient Mexican paintings and documents, he did not have a perfect understanding of all of them. He was therefore obliged to make use of other Indians, who, entirely ignoring the true interpretation which should be given to those ancient originals, filled his mind with muchconfusion, errors, and falsehoods. He himself confesses this in one of his manuscripts entitled ‘Sumaria relacion de todas las cosas que han sucedido en la Nueva Espafia.’ ” Whatever obscurity may envelop the history, age, and authorship of the Magliabecchi Manuscript, one fact concerning it is quite clear, namely,its importance and value. Its first part, consisting of a series of representations of the symbolical designs used by the Mexicans on their ceremonial mantles, is unique and of special interest. As a supplement to my commentary on these designs, I have published in Part II the unedited lists of the native names of similar designs contained in the Sahagun Manuscripts of Madrid and Florence. A series of representations of the twenty day signs of the native Calendar begins on p. 9, and in execution and detail surpasses any known recordof these signs. The description of the Ancient Mexican Calendar System given opposite to p. 13 is of inestimable value, because it contains a distinct assertion on a point that had hitherto been shrouded in obscurity. The statement that the native year began on a day of the same sign inspired me to make the laborious experimental reconstruction of the native cycle of fifty-two years, based on this combination, which I exhibited at Huelva and Madrid in 1892 and Chicago in 1893. This reconstruction clearly demonstrated the harmonious results obtained by making the year begin not only with a day of the same sign, but also with the same number. The importance of said passage in the Magliabecchi Manuscript is best proven by the change it has operated since I first made it known in 1892, in the published views on the subject. Aseries representing the regular order of succession, the fifty-two years of which the Mexican Cycle is formed, begins on p. 13 and extends, in the original Manuscript, over twenty-six pages, on each of which two years are inscribed. As the year signs are uniform in execution, it was considered superfluous to reproduce more than the first twelve years of the series in the present facsimile. * For a discussion of Ixtlilxochitl’s views on the calendar, see Gama’s ‘ Descripcion de las dos Piedras,’’ p. 54. XVili The Mexican festival series, which is reproduced in the Veytia and Aubin Manuscripts, extends from p. 17 to p. 34, each picture being accompanied byan explanatory note written on the opposite page. Thenext illustrations and descriptions of the movable feasts are followed bypictures of ten local “ pulque gods,” and one “ goddess” of the same category, at whose annual festivals dancing and drinking was indulyedin. An interesting illustration of the native game patolli, a copy of which I have given to Mr. Stewart Culin for publication, occurs on p. 48. On pp. 49 and 50 are two different pictures of Quetzalcoatl. As the text relating to p. 50, which has been published by Mr. Bobanyin connection with the Aubin Manu- script, is identical to that in the Magliabecchi Manuscript, and is, moreover, considered unfit for publication, it has been omitted in the present publication. The pictures of three pulque gods follow on pp. 51, 52, and 53, the two last being those reproduced on one of Herrera’s frontispieces. The next four pictures, whichillustrate mortuary customs, are followed by the most remarkable native representation of humansacrifice that we possess. This also is reproduced by Herrera. The ceremonial ordeal imposed upon persons who were raised to chieftainship or to some post of honor in ancient Mexico, is illustrated on p. 59. The following page shows a memorial service held in honor of a dead chieftain, and on p. 61 ritualistic cannibalism is represented. On p. 62 a man and woman are shown in the act of offering incense, etc., at a small altar; p. 63 exhibits a female deity related to the pulque gods; p. 64 a death goddess, and p. 65 an interesting picture of the native temazcalli or sweat-bath, a copy of which I gave Prof. Carl Curman of Stockholm, for publication in his work onthe Baths of different countries. A fortune-telling scene and the performance of a penitential rite are depicted on pp. 66 and 67. The explanatory texts to the next five pages, as well as to pp. 74, 75, 77, 78, 79, and 80, are unfortunately missing. Notes in a different handwriting to that of the main text, accompany the drinking-scene painted on p. 73, and the representation of the death-goddess, to whom blood-offerings are being made, on p. 76. The foregoing review suffices to show what a large and varied range of subjects the Magliabecchi Manuscript embraces, and what a long and difficult task I unwittingly took upon myself when I volunteered to provide its text with a commentary. When PartII is issued I think that my readers will realize that I have spared no pains in order to make my commentaryas useful as possible, and that I have conscientiously endeavored to fulfil, to the best of my ability, the obligation I assumed years ago, when I knewless than I do now. XIX Dg libro oclanioa _ guelos -yroios. ant Gna mente. hasian. -y supersticiones pmalos Ritos. quetema.>ygator XY: lI tS €gtas jiquaas vy todas: las sigujentes hasta la oftana hola. son lasmantas ouestidios los ~yndios usaVan. enlas fieHas G axlante sedican on 4020S. los-tias~D lastales ficslas trayan 2 solenidad. como cnixenos.las fiestas. draen oftauaries. le (eo) NYOISYOIOIONOIORO) omanta tilmatl, omanta, nono al caltayopes. til matl. omanta tecacatl, obego 3 te. “del aiablo. | || Ws | | | ti mat! somanta, ny tlau tecut! oel Senor. los mucrtos, 7 ae jp he ONS Se ecnrars Pe ORs rear ted muss a til matl .omanta. Teg catipoca, oes peo. Rumcadoz af ied # =f d . te ee Reg aeseas asaaaaerawr tilmatt. omanta. eca cur catl. ofc? ca tepo cA. a t manta. xl coracon, xl diablo ov manta &siete parras, en moldar, \ ACh aa a” st. yp 34 b: A NEA 2° < fy EA _ s eS manta. &cosa negra : marta. de tote qui , io es \ E LL manta cinco Rosas a manta 2ecnco ae Rosas. pinecone Sea Oe Tt ieee Li eS Ba Ca i & | | manta & plumaje culebra LITA HANH iid itd mdnta 2MwS conejos manta ekata duras Ree grep manta XR ol prya ud Sue. a manta e& agua karana yy. = ma tq nd —_ unsol Oo Senor Oxcin Le oO nS Taosas manta & Ypcara tuerta, manta del becote al aaGlo. 6 iL f manta : | manta X&tezca mi cuy fy. Fr 4H = &nono al cat Ly mania nari? , muexcta— manta xl sol negro, > bade manta & tigre r ie Le itl manta xl fuego al GN Ni 304 manta Ei i o cone|o manta X& humo, ocuero, q manta 2% cinco Rosas manta X& cinco Ty ei = eesti manta 2xlsol Rosas 5 ce tec patl. ques ena ome quia vitl 9 ‘Yel suchitl. que pledra. 2 pedrnal.a 2 que OC TUK. 203 quicte deziti tres figura de Pierro co Uo Veqnaee © qae ellos sa ctificauia aqua. cer0s./ Rosas. nau ci pac tl ue es. Yna cosa bibo anda en eala Como . See pert ¢| aif Ma ails a t{ ec ; oe 310S, ~ g 0 Yien " cal i @: aceCe 7 ulere gejs_ eS Cc iv zi a as Casas, pe Sr eae es are Bs ae5 Renee ae ’ [ ;Y ) cRicue ir. ‘ coato> Chi cume cue hic a poli , g eowuUcre ‘dane IC Sie i culebreis-—as) ‘i | tz & OQOH@e®Q 9O9O9 OOOO @OQ@O@® ©OHOOO2 OOOO chicunayy, nu quiz itl matlactl. maca pee cu nucWe tly, que quyere muertos ce el gus na jer cher en efte dia:“eS berfal] dine: pene e entre ellos t Co fuego NJ? wprece sa cueficio eed po deZir que Led Wwjoa. / matlatl uce toch RY Rome athlt te quycre deqit agi tly aide tee anos «< e| Vd ya tlac tly On cy iz cuintl. quiere KA. ne perullos. -< Nici math g ulere « WAL na mona. \ ix tees Canas, nonbe pocg * cet quiere ey malj nale naVi ocelotl. / qu/h macuil coautl cre ORtr quatio ge ti gpquuere eez't cinco aquilas coace cut ca. coatl. Chicume. uli Ic qui primera. silab, ere Ait seis af breue.rzlaulti. uilas amatillas.5 ° ma luenqa. | quiere a _ P h en. tienble latie TV! x (~ Aas figuras . xsta ottaparte p son las Mas. son xlos. Veinte ane cada pitta das « tenian para rnonbre. fiesta elas al & naciaJ que gon Vente &/ acelante . eétan en estos dias, fe vi anle Yn nonfie . % uno ‘eeftos. at o- aja otros muthos no bres. vy cosas q enta tierra hacian. 2% flesdauan nonbre Clas ip Sesiquen. sonlas fiqueas pintaua, Sus “Anos dlas pintuxasdg) los~qniaios dw esdenotar. quel comlenco es el-primero Bia Rmarco. KSu ano, yes la pumera ficlta, del Ano. fy sella thJajansi malejlomany yas las otcas fiestas. 5, - en Veinte en Vente dias, xSta fiefia como eftan pintadas adelante. saluo fe Ya ul j tima /P (laman wRcal. tiene Yeinte ecinco dias- Ww esd Jyotar f/ Siempre * Comenca . é ef Ano. en \ndia / & qua to . ) oel Ono(alia man acatl. ~yde alll teoman nonBre . cen otro i> lama calf Ay Uaman & all) toman nonbre . genotro /@ , Hhcpatl. Ay 2 all ie” nonbre , Wx otro A Haman toth th. vyxall toman & quatre: enquatro anos. traen $ucic culo. were menco . X losas . ytoenando hasta nonBre. avy dumentando elnu atfes ceBic & mismo ynonbre. treze Anos ‘ Wy luego con/@ co comenca efano xl seatindo Ane . x los pumecos Ayansi wlos ottos. hasta 4a eds Anos, Wel que (leqa acunplillos., cunplit . cin que setiene pos Suelo ef idea ario_sellama acai enel qual entto el mar ques.“ en. efta tierca al fin xl / hee q eagerawry bas ‘4 Ot Enka q sot os freZe witfef “o rN —_r # Vv ~ Cita fiquea de arrjba Sedize acail Sf ECéta fiquea dearyba sedize tec pat Lb 15 a Sr Cfta fuqura ds Ces toch Cfta tiguea oN tl. _ 08008 a tl NY. E[ta figura _ sella ma. aca caida Gta {igura we 16 hot Lo aati ~ Be OOO GOOO®@ QOOOSQOCOOOES o ities Cnestas Come efta Figueas ¢ Sho. pins lomjsmo. siendo “2e una aoe eeemeteS Cnducne efla aser XSte ee cin quenta. gues aha fenescia. ~jlos AVyndios Uegauan ac__ alan es en Vida. todat cStas quentas . /G) Son in /¥ NIA aVian atad tos Cands ay eran Si pms Os. ~) a fiefta Ulamana los Ni ndios ilo maniz tly. ~1 los me Ricanos, UB : algunos otros. Cflamanls. alcavalo. lay. vocal. por que enes te tpo Xxauan los pescadores, cy Ua manla ilo maniz tj. por que lopintian & mahi enel Puno. las quales. antes cas | Uaman xiloth. dedosale Kilo manizelj. fy quiere £rn myo sellama tla loc xc gnesta : en me R®. fiest S ab ahogauan con YVnag , ae 2% on ) > 4 lama io ilotes el aqua. qua siLcat. @ xxauan ctifica u 3) tien r. i titied i nee el geno ; © encanogds. eftos nj ries / geen ea ! J Serirx ~ D cae - of ee } “ azigura es ia Siqiuett . fe f Ls ~_J S ~ los ~yndios Uamauan, tlaca Kipeualirn, esta figura wes dela {iesta law. vocal /P quicte &zit dso llame. AYcome rails me. — @«n ella matauan Cno. &f Uamauan .Toto Xi. oXi peu. ges este mismo ae atadso. a xste mood. (qe Fireat os (laman. temata cath é - caljente 2°S3Beecsi do Ueno dx nauafas. ~zsauanse ual atado. Se7 o los dos. lednuan Yn xt Pisaca da. palo Seer nla elamane. rasta yednafielromutabbaaul angdor{e xsollaua. wdespues Vestio. elcucro muetto baylaua. dlan te cl &emonjo, Uamauan. 4lacatcu texca tep ocatl nel @ auia d peleat. ayumaua quatro dias .wWSe ensayaua mush? ‘iae antes, para pelea conel atado . Yo frecia muthos gacuficios ac$le mono. para if lediese S7itorjaf las figqueas. son fas ere Gs smarco dia BRksant Henisto. tlaca xi peuralizth es a fiesta fe Fila figura es rlaftesta be monjo del & monyo ./9 los Ayn dios Uamauantocoztl; Yel aquien secelebraua - efla “fiesta | sellamaua. thal Chuite /y potfp leponian alcuello. Oncollar. dees meralaas. @ ellos Ulamauan Shal Thutl . AY los/p en esta fiesta sacu Nile Aon tete witl. que era runes yo frecian” muftho copal VW papel Ajcamas 2 ma ir. mas en efla fiesta sactificauan Gna -yndia. ayestargnidia. se ataua loscabellos., alaxredonda . enfiqura xl demonjo. que eslaua ce aquel atteMes &. hotar. que encsta fiesta sesacu ficaucn los ninos pegquenos. vjlas mugeres yunas vytanbien Regen naci dos, Azlos Pponian nonBr es como los “Xpianos al batismo. aungue este punto. esta puesto en oftg parte , delas fiestas siguientes . nose haze Sino enegta. yer esta fies dq dauan drMecomer asus parientes Yel Muna Mer eta asi oftecido, nose oftecia mas. Uamauan esta fiesta .tlicoque ypipil ton tl]. ~ysauan. al x monjo.fii sellamaua. ryceu. teutl, tamales ~yotras cosas decomer_, J lafique — ~ Cfta fiesla sellanw. gai tocortli . pe fp ponian al demonio. Ccanag con hojas. ytod era dema hizes. que Jentre ellos sellam a tuc lj, cyenesta fiesta oftecian mucho mahiz.rjtamales con frisoles. masa 305 al zmonio .jenesta fiebta losninos en amanec iends. ¢chaua ensus templos esta ha ema hiz. eldemo nio aquien seharia esta fetta sellamaua. Seu teuetl. A» quiere dezic 108 dol ma hie ven es ta fiegta. o fiecian lospadres “alos ninos dxeteta Dl &ema njo. Co me ensacuficio. yconbidauan a comez asu s parjentes, Llamase efte tecoa giiees entre ellos eyef lair {lasiqujente Cla es lafiestafa) Uamauan los Nynaios, tox catl era n fiesta. por of aceuto enla ultima AL el 2emonjo que enella. secele brauaq. gellesicua exo tepocatl , nu qiucte dezit espdo Rumeadoz . era elmayoz delos e v res desus OSes. ‘pelo mayo s es “G'ell bee ti tlacatuan.“q) tabuyen RBKeterenciatian, flamanlo poz otto nen qauere dezix 2 quiensomos esclaues, ya egte sea los bailes ~y can tares yok&osas Ay traer becotes -cY pluma] cs lacosa q ellos mas estiman . encgta fiesta . cottauan fag len uas. wledau n Lacacne dellas al &monjo. cy Razian tamales. ela. gemilln delos bledos. ~y ee mahiz. gute ellos aman CULTPe ® Sudios wedtos tamales comian iay a Par igus esla sique nia es. Egta ela fiesta () aman ecalco alizth, quequiere cha mMmanA yo aguen Se ha efta fiesta. ~nrios. huey tecul huith ~yal sellamaua amo YZto ciyadl. aces ficaua~ famaqua =xilonc _elaceMte ela ante penulti mid / enella Una muger XT mac orca demahiz. los qranos TLo quas “gos , Por p en cs te ac qu Q he 2 fos aVia te Apo oi totl A las qucdles ans! . Las quales oftecian macotcas . ansi no quaxadas Ulama xlante xl demonio la re ern ot Dihed es — —— “— | /’ , fl —_— ri a. Ofla fiesta sellama eh “yl heatl . if Por que enella seLe “an congran taugd , (a fiesta es el mismo fy tezca. tiPo erie D lopinta - (5 1x08 xlos nitios muertos wba C. tristeza . Nysacte ficauan mines. se feste| aus. era ti lacituan / UO0s - , qunex deg fiesta dem uertos edemonjo | enella quere deze & quien Zo iF catl . / quiex ez bdo “Be Huersog colores’ veda Rumeacr. Sequn ledar. dfuerso$ non&res Uaman esta fiesta meau ERimaca. “por @enella Roxauan ce ‘quinaldas x Rosas. alemonjo aefte esce aca son x Jicadss (os teucales [phos ‘ ‘cal catl. VYVieina vatl [aY tla cuthWa.s Uaman .: c . no, Ay en rreKrencia Zeffo Grocal YD quiere KPC. waNieng sua xVi toman’ estos nonbres Les puncipales Wndios. / la fvqura esla csiquiena m ee £2: + —“~_ ee Cfta figura Uamedan los syndios . Ruei mical huitl; gesqran fiesta, ofzoy lallaman.cxucutl.queci.- peeque enella leVantaudh Yn athd. snuy alto encurya cunébte. eglaua genta do Vn-vyniio. aAgual subsenay a afxos NINdI0S -W kepanio poz bol . deru8aban Ynos coxdeles . dseall; abaso al questaua.sY e$ tauan atades al ess aRiba ay letoma¥an Gmnos tamales. que eos Uaman , teucoalke. y quiere dezit pan & Sios, potetomar a\Vino mas ban. abaxo, as las an. dios Sematauan. portomar~ otto . loderriba “delle como pan ben dito. rds pues Khauan enel fuego al) erubauan. del - ~yile enfana Yan La cabeca .-porg aun que S$easase nose hiziese Jano, el fies alos ca belles ni cabeca. para a degpucs leconuesen Asade . vylaca beca deo (lara sees tese choud © ote. vybailase conella delante ef demor}o aquienla fiesta era Bdicada © flaman fruc teuth__3 ey es lasi quiere. — Cfta figura efiesta . Uamauan los ~yndios Ych panic. /g) quiere Re bare miento . hasBi enella pou camara toc! /' ) Puss zit riseftrd a Vna escoba Sic Uama - lamano, er auan . en fre ofta “fiesta sacweficauan c~ynidias. enlos cues. pest orra fhreas. Ayes te aelos cany nos * hazian randces bales vy tas VUNdas /# sacee ficauar. las deso Uauan. Yyotras Nestian ap eerie Sus pellefos r bailaz delante este (afigure esla siqus enite__ + -+f- bi ~ Cfla fiesta Uamauan log “Undos pachtl.fe Ynag VYeruas Paz julas. como cor eelefos enmatarynadtoes. fos quales los “\Yndios cuel gan los Rosales. para) alli crecen muy laxgas YJtandes. >, Aazen enles aretos wc Vnalaas , dellos para ldcabeca: el meno p encita fiesta se celebraua- eva tecca tepoca. que quieredezic es peo ahume adcoz . ysace ficauan Ayndsios ‘ eShandolos biuos —fuggo eo ce quadas | $e escapauan ™w huyan . Vesta el saci ficadero as. porlas quales Subsan ip ANian desacte ‘cat (asta aRiba , pozesto otros Si dKTe subida Uaman esta adios ajenesta fiesta fiesta - feu tleco. cele brauan quequy otro demonic. ZD corer. ome tuthtl que es el dios delas borra Cheeas. ‘a oi eel di la ee eslasi sar pe Efia fiesta UamaVan los \ndios hue path tli. que quiere Sit quand cuyetua . delasMenestotea fiesta. eh5 exa fiesta dl pueblo . ee esto pintaucn Gna cuesta . ~yencima Vna culeSra, lagqual Mibeiny Jemasa detamales. que elles, coaltica qui pepe thoa. yekte Siablo ge Uamada sufhi quecale. ~ysacte ficauan Cina yndia . yenedte mes mo did cele brauian. etra fiesta /y sellamaua pilauana quiete & {ie borxa thera delos ninss por “Denella.lesnivios bailanan lg (as ninas .vyel Yno al otro ge darian abeusze, fhagta enborra Chat ryfeemcios estos da2s se ydes cometian el Uno al otro. sus feal andes eran Wa ia rose usatta ‘eens Lanas can xqulos. de nucXte 00tekanos . esta Vella 4) \Jrisuer sal mente. sine enlos™ Hal iujcas GP [: d yon de Reqadie . & calienta elsél__) latiquea eslasi wiente—h me €sta fiesta Uamauan los Andi 08 Por otto nonbre iaman mutl. r @ Sule : AD yuere Gu errelS unos puncipales Sacta hazian mufhas 2 &lante ef cemonjo jp) tas .syconellas aycon arcos. bailauan efte dia sellamaua muzcoatl VY este nonbte deste cegit WMorno senon bran al’ J como ‘Por ditado enel pucsle. ny luce otro dia maquiense. wy Yan acaca coneftas sactas. oy quatre dias antes ayy niven asolo pan Ny agua./ Sin comer eux ni otracosa, Yna \ex aldia. haga alanothe arkte Xmonioc Ppintauan los ofes hegess. vy ; (no como palo blanco eect mano Vnp alo brado esa ‘ p clos Lam n myc lo coatL ono quit, lafigura esla siguientegy ——fUamauan los-yn s103, pan a sabzt. | ta desu Aso. enella cele brauan 4 amoryo 6a iesta Gicilopotl. que era SeSus (OSes amigo e era lamar, Jp Hos f (“iy Uf amaua > we tezca te pocatl. llama al uici lopoth+i ge lafiesta wy pan qzaliztis. por /q) enella ponian . eve encima cela cabeca Vina cosa antka ‘ellos Uaman partl [or azul. losyndios Laman texutl y Vestianlo depapel pintado f a> ay Vna rroseda de cucto enlamano. enesta fiekta. etal gran aif1ma ultjdu2 dos i A) awan pre B. del ente f4) Sesacre ficoua enme%. due deaent lamulti m SI Yo i ala. MAUae taXcala go &> faxc lafiquea esla.si gut a Cfta fidta sellamaua. atemugtle/q/quiere deRit baxamicnto Te Por /y enella pedian agudics el temonyjoeee ait con. tiextaY . poz agua. parca comencat asenbrar los mahizes $e festefauia . gllamaua tla loc ./G quiere oe su mufluentia. era enloff) uacia erlatierva esta festa por lamayjoz, parte . hazian los caciques Cy senores NFS tos senotes Sacre ficauan. enlas questas esclauos . yo fiecian plu mafes ryenel agua ahegauan tuN0s . enkugac /y leg diese. ‘Sudios agua —— , ge festefaua. ge 1a Ciua coatl . fiesta . cele 6rauan la fiesta d&elod™ sefta maneta « q tomauan qiuere =< at cule finados. Vamans}e enesta Ssus honrras eran. d ocotl. lama tea. feat: con Yna manta. ocamisa thn Csta Orewes, ete fiesta sellamaua titel . las dvs su abas /q) en para Se Seta muger ef ante escudilas /0 del nte onia ~yPp , UaS MIG sus con ie tian QVes do. fina ; puthjros. Cyotras cosas deCasa.w siera Senoz, WValiente Ronbre 7 becote . Vn mando detea Gestianle Yna manta Rica ymastel. ayel becote era de Yna cana de anbax . od custal cacatl, Ysesolian Ponez qws & Vn aqufere J poms vie ~y Sus - lum ellos Waman te quando bebian. obailauan enles aretos cd @tenian hefhe encima delabarba. enel labyo - atados ata al colodu Uo ; ellos Uaman tlal pi, on ~ymuehes pecfurnes . ~ysentauante en 2°'Un petate. sobre gu ally alos pe qu pal. \yponzan allj- mucha comisa . condi 3auan quanto allisenia cipales, 7 des poruan fuego alates Emegmantase todo puesto. azesta memoria Todas Ano *foshazian. gus hifos opayentes Uere CZ qPponic sufiquea ety Uamaua quixebilotia. q 4 I —_}— ee Gfla fiesta tiene Veinte Scinco dias alaquenta delos ~snaios ee ge eldia desantigi bextt con fesoz - Este U@monio. dequien testa Fiestq ge haze memoya sedezia uc tecutl, enella sacte ficauan. d08 -Ynvios ap s mauan. (Rcocayque engel ofre comulco. “YY hazian ran bo rrathexa enlos aretos. obales. esta fiesta sellamaua Ny calli cla cente enla penultima silaba. caya aqualroDias she eto. en efta fiesta . nenqune Persona conya sine bledos enmasados epan pe ee to effo era enh Mey. Izcali aquatco x hebrero Gl tima fiesta del Zino ala queta & los Vndios trae Vente 4; con f0$ Zeemmms ecinco was esdia — . ~ cesant Gilibe -{- Cita fiesta esdelas estra Va artes/q) sella mau guthit fuitl./,) quiere dezit fiesta de -flores. enella Ylosman cebos /) ellos Uaman $o/ pothedl. Rayan areito cada VYno ensubatyo ayest fiesta cae dos Qezes enel Ano & dogentos endozientas das. Jemanera en Yn Ano cae Yna Veg. ye oftos dos Veces. Para egta fiesta. quarda yuan losrnatos . los cagcarones los gucWos. dxelos pollicos . ensa cando . les @rramagan - poz los cada gallina. Yen amanecien camynos Ay calles . memoria dela mrdhi sudios les aia hehe en darles pollos, el demone Aieee Ga Chicome Po enesta fiesta sellama -~ siete Rysas . Zz ~ — Cfta es na fiesta it ficHla oh 4 los~yndics Ulamauan ce su Shitl fp GuUsere. 2 Qna Rosa ‘7 cae Syeinte dias “des pics ontesme /p enla na de’ cpasasa . enesta sehayia { + _ o Csa ag es de On demony altlama paper tac/aer, esta aq fy) sel cientos aiofes. borra Gros. oi arVersos quiere nonbres oe encomun, de Vu met"J quando Sus *a mahi es sella ma los ayndios Los~ynsios tenian de Van todos. totocnth / +enian a Mpbailauan Se endborra Chaba re ago °,tee . Rawutisho ono .nyadotros destos quatro sientos eansi delas ¥4quvas je re hayian 2 | ell io EdAlaes Gna figura de Qna gran Vella qria.a) Qnpuayn Ad algun ndo qua /p a ye to rei por ia ten . gedize tepuytlan aran fiesta Ce ian haz blo pue Teste va che ; Los otros bor mod cel, . ete pucble as enl fia lale tan cor & n o thas decobre . C fa esparte YON tepeque- Gagallos del somar ques del Valley + rr Cste eM ono es oelos quatro cientos oa" Uamauase . “you ge demornios Lorca ttics aya Mos Este e¢ otto sc delo? beoades delos misimes/ di ful teqate cysu nonbre eta ee +> mauan diages Ua os di qn los g ‘ s nto cie tro a qu os dxl o otr Este exa me Xeina por 4 era come del Vine. ‘VN delos borraeRas acllos este Yine = poc vagal : -t Ete demono esdclos ahos Nise dize =< congil ef demonso es cl siquienteR Este demomo sellamaua. +lal birdinae nel quell aretto/faes fe seRAZIA ny GaBelante Gnandio . Yestido Yn pellefo de. mona/y ellos Uaman ensulengua aetie i gett Este demaruo Siquiente. sellamaua .col huaca cu +> Este Te sellamaua. totul tegatly/- oy quiere deze l ve ya ma a. au am ll se . e e “ o ni Este semo maquel poz q cumo que delsalja . ew borr la, ghera .aybaiAg. |) s ra gu fi la Su . aw nt pi ie ta pe Sm de ma ci en r a i 3 go fur roliente . estos fo ans destos Juegs son maeftws inQotavan al Este es luce los-yndios feran yllamauanle pasele Ff « an deqie cin a tl Shi su l cu ma n Va ma {la s emonio . 4)eblo co Rosas eqnYocauale - para leg diese Wia pacaganar__— + Este Amonio era ’no delos qoses era/g)cal coatl. (gy? quiere dezit ¢q los-undos tenian. n pluma ee culebra. Seri A por e abax o Bc ma ‘os del ayre . este prntauan . lacara dela na Gera como quecera cuero Vna ttonpa. pre soplaua akayre. del dios agen camo. delacabeca delique. ay della leporian ellos Si an VUnacoraca 2. salia poz penatho un fhueso del qual colgaua mutha pluma . de patos delatiexta @ elles . Atado QGnpajaxo pumutl ajenfin estaua del pico Uamauan que sella ecian ma Cicily . quando sectlebraua [afiesta .los yyndios ofr dizen e est a. err ati del s one mol s Sno n qso uth Sey . lo neste yoo gz [ep fue fifo de otto d10s q Uaman nuttlan +ecutl;. queeg son lo ~es ae otto aydo os rt te mi os el ds x Duet fuqa Ssepan ate degit Gnmodse gq Uaman —xulutl q elles tienen Hethe debledos | Y Jior %; 7 J a — | Y IT ) TTA j f AXY figura St rente estanbien. YeVnio velos uatco 4 s ny ge";? priAn & ln ach Ra Mme~— e ¢ J a ” ¢ 6 @ a ] Lo) a} gj
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Keyword:
Indians of Mexico -- Antiquities; Indians of Mexico -- Languages -- Writing; Manuscripts; Mexican -- Facsimiles
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URL: https://collections.lib.utah.edu/ark:/87278/s6qn9gd5
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