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Modality in the nominal domain: Yalnhej DPs in Chuj
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In: Semantics and Linguistic Theory; Proceedings of SALT 31; 061-081 ; 2163-5951 (2021)
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Numeral Any: the view from Farsi
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In: Semantics and Linguistic Theory; Proceedings of SALT 30; 485-503 ; 2163-5951 (2021)
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Random-choice modality: The view from Chuj (Mayan)
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In: Sinn und Bedeutung; Bd. 24 Nr. 1 (2020): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 24; 48-65 ; Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung; Vol 24 No 1 (2020): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 24; 48-65 ; 2629-6055 (2020)
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Is the 'Arbitrary Interpretation' a Semantic Epiphenomenon?
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In: University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics (2020)
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Random choice modality in Chuj: The case of 'komon'
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In: Royer, Justin; & Alonso-Ovalle, Luis. (2019). Random choice modality in Chuj: The case of 'komon'. Proceedings of Form and Analysis in Mayan Linguistics, 5. UC Santa Cruz: Conference Proceedings. Retrieved from: http://www.escholarship.org/uc/item/5587h7df (2019)
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Contradiction-free strengthening and alternative discharge: The case of Farsi -i indefinites.
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In: Sinn und Bedeutung; Bd. 23 Nr. 1 (2019): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 23; 1-18 ; Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung; Vol 23 No 1 (2019): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 23; 1-18 ; 2629-6055 (2019)
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Random Choice Modality: Spanish 'Uno Cualquiera'
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In: Sinn und Bedeutung; Bd. 17 (2013): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 17; 27-43 ; Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung; Vol 17 (2013): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 17; 27-43 ; 2629-6055 (2019)
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Neutralizing Free Choice Items via Maximal Domain Restriction: Farsi -i Indefinites
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In: Semantics and Linguistic Theory; Proceedings of SALT 29; 686-705 ; 2163-5951 (2019)
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Keep 'only' strong
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In: Semantics and Linguistic Theory; Proceedings of SALT 28; 251-270 ; 2163-5951 (2018)
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Abstract:
As defined in Horn 1969, only (p) presupposes p. von Fintel & Iatridou (2007) note, however, that only (have to p) may presuppose that p is possible, rather than necessary, and propose revising the analysis of only to weaken its contribution. Building on Ippolito 2007, we show that this revision predicts interpretations which are too weak in data involving plurals and negation. A paradox thus arises: Horn’s only is too strong in some cases, but required in others. To resolve the paradox, we maintain Horn’s only, but introduce an external source of weakening that is not always available: in von Fintel and Iatridou’s modal environment, the argument of only is weakened by a covert operator (AT LEAST, Crnic ̆ 2011; Schwarz 2004) that is blocked in the problematic cases involving plurals and negation.
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URL: http://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/SALT/article/view/28.251 https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v28i0.4439
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Causes and Expectations: On the Interpretation of the Tagalog Ability/Involuntary Action Form
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In: Semantics and Linguistic Theory; Proceedings of SALT 27; 75-94 ; 2163-5951 (2017)
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Are All Concessive Scalar Particles the Same? Probing into Spanish "Siquiera"
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In: Semantics and Linguistic Theory; Proceedings of SALT 26; 185-204 ; 2163-5951 (2016)
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Modal Determiners and Alternatives: Quantity and Ignorance Effects
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In: Semantics and Linguistic Theory; Proceedings of SALT 23; 570-586 ; 2163-5951 (2013)
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Domain Restrictions, Modal Implicatures and Plurality: Spanish Algunos
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Expressing Indifference: Spanish Un NP Cualquiera
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In: Semantics and Linguistic Theory; Proceedings of SALT 21; 333-352 ; 2163-5951 (2011)
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