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1
Fake Feature and Valuation From Context
Bassi, Itai. - : Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2022
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2
A theory of two strong islands
Privoznov, Dmitry. - : Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2021
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3
Intensionalizing Abstract Meaning Representations: Non-Veridicality and Scope ...
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4
Generalised Crossover
In: Semantics and Linguistic Theory; Proceedings of SALT 30; 396-408 ; 2163-5951 (2021)
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5
E-Type Readings of Quantifiers under Ellipsis
In: Sinn und Bedeutung; Bd. 20 (2016): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 20; 217-233 ; Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung; Vol 20 (2016): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 20; 217-233 ; 2629-6055 (2019)
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6
Ineffability and Unexhaustification
In: Sinn und Bedeutung; Bd. 23 Nr. 1 (2019): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 23; 399-412 ; Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung; Vol 23 No 1 (2019): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 23; 399-412 ; 2629-6055 (2019)
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7
Cumulative readings beyond nominals
In: Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; Vol 2 (2017): Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; 49:1–11 ; 2473-8689 (2017)
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8
QR out of Control
In: Proceedings of the 33. West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics : [held March 27-29, 2015 at the Simon Fraser University, Vancouver, British Columbia] (2016), S. 119-127
Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
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9
The Sticky Reading: VP Ellipsis Without Parallel Binding
In: Semantics and Linguistic Theory; Proceedings of SALT 24; 640-655 ; 2163-5951 (2016)
Abstract: Abstract VP Ellipsis (VPE) whose antecedent VP contains a pronoun famously gives rise to an ambiguity between strict and sloppy readings. Since Sag’s (1976) seminal work, it is generally assumed that the strict reading involves free pronouns in both the elided VP and its antecedent, whereas the sloppy reading involves bound pronouns. The majority of current approaches to VPE are tailored to derive this parallel binding requirement, ruling out mixed readings where one of the VPs involves a bound pronoun and the other a free pronoun in parallel positions. Contrary to this assumption, it is observed that there are cases of VPE where the antecedent VP contains a bound pronoun but the elided VP contains a free E-type pronoun anchored to the quantifier, in violation of parallel binding. We dub this the ‘sticky reading’ of VPE. To account for it, we propose a new identity condition on VPE which is less stringent than is standardly assumed. We formalize this using an extension of Roberts’s (2012) Question under Discussion (QuD) theory of information structure.
URL: http://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/SALT/article/view/24.640
https://doi.org/10.3765/salt.v24i0.3639
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10
More variation in island repair: clausal vs. non-clausal islands
In: Proceedings of the forty-ninth (49.) annual meeting of the Chicago Linguistic Society (2014), S. 331-346
Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
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