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Evidentials in the nominal domain: a Speasian analysis of ʔayʔaǰuθəm determiners
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In: Sinn und Bedeutung; Bd. 25 (2021): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 25; 751-768 ; Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung; Vol 25 (2021): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 25; 751-768 ; 2629-6055 (2021)
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Decomposing distributive numerals in ʔayʔaǰuθəm (Comox-Sliammon Salish)
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In: Sinn und Bedeutung; Bd. 24 Nr. 2 (2020): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 24; 72-89 ; Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung; Vol 24 No 2 (2020): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 24; 72-89 ; 2629-6055 (2020)
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Verum focus is verum, not focus: Cross-linguistic evidence
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In: Glossa: a journal of general linguistics; Vol 5, No 1 (2020); 51 ; 2397-1835 (2020)
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| 6 |
The Linguistic and Philosophical Status of ‘Impossible Words’
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| 7 |
On the Universality of Syntactic Categories
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In: North East Linguistics Society (2020)
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A Salish Stage in the Acquisition of English Determiners: Unfamiliar 'Definites'
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In: University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics (2020)
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| 9 |
A Salish Stage in the Acquisition of English Determiners: Unfamiliar 'Definites'
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In: Semantics of Under-Represented Languages in the Americas (2020)
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| 10 |
Quantification and (the absence of) cross-linguistic variation
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In: University of Massachusetts Occasional Papers in Linguistics (2020)
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| 11 |
Determiners, Finiteness, and the Entity/Event Distinction
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In: North East Linguistics Society (2020)
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| 12 |
Competition between the German root modal sollen and the imperative
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In: Sinn und Bedeutung; Bd. 23 Nr. 1 (2019): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 23; 515-532 ; Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung; Vol 23 No 1 (2019): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 23; 515-532 ; 2629-6055 (2019)
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Abstract:
In this paper we analyse the complementary distribution in German between the imperative–which is performative–and the root modal sollen ‘be supposed to’–which appears to be anti-performative (Glas, 1984; Diewald, 1999; Hinterwimmer, 2013; Bochnak and Csipak, 2018). We argue that the imperative and root sollen share a bouletic meaning (broadly “x wants at t in w for y to do P”) but carry opposite requirements on the parameters of this bouletic attitude. The imperative requires = , i.e. the parameters are identified with the utterance context (Kaplan, 1989). The imperative must express an actual-world speaker request of the addressee. The root modal sollen inversely requires ≠ and is thus prohibited from expressing an actual speaker request of the addressee. We argue that this account is a step ahead relative to earlier accounts of the non-performativity of root sollen (Hinterwimmer, 2013; Bochnak and Csipak, 2018). We also compare root sollen to the English modal be supposed to. We argue that be supposed to carries the stronger requirement ≠ that excludes the expression of all actual speaker preferences, whether or not they concern an action by the addressee. We argue against an account in terms of formal competition between the imperative and the modal sollen, though we cannot fully exclude such an account.
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URL: https://ojs.ub.uni-konstanz.de/sub/index.php/sub/article/view/547
https://doi.org/10.18148/sub/2019.v23i1.547
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| 13 |
On the (Non-)Future Orientation of Modals
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In: Sinn und Bedeutung; Bd. 16 Nr. 2 (2012): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 16; 431-446 ; Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung; Vol 16 No 2 (2012): Proceedings of Sinn und Bedeutung 16; 431-446 ; 2629-6055 (2019)
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