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Hits 41 – 60 of 71

41	Unbounded stress and factorial typology
	Baković, Eric
	In: Optimality theory in phonology. - Malden [u.a.] : Blackwell (2004), 202-214
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42	unbounded stress and factorial typology
	Bakovic, Eric
	In: Optimality theory in phonology (Oxford, 2004), p. 202-214
	MPI für Psycholinguistik
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43	Vowel harmony and stem identity
	Bakovic, Eric
	In: Bakovic, Eric. (2003). Vowel harmony and stem identity. Department of Linguistics, UCSD. UC San Diego: Department of Linguistics, UCSD. Retrieved from: http://www.escholarship.org/uc/item/7zw206pt (2003)
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44	Optionality and ineffability
	Bakovic, Eric; Keer, Edward
	In: Optimality-theoretic syntax (Cambridge, Mass, 2001), p.97-112
	MPI für Psycholinguistik
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45	On the logic of conditional grounding
	Bakovic, Eric
	In: CLS 37 : the main session (2001), p. 45-52
	MPI für Psycholinguistik
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46	Vowel Harmony and Cyclicity in Eastern Nilotic
	Bakovic, Eric
	In: Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society, vol 27, iss 1 (2001)
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47	On the logic of conditional grounding
	Baković, Eric
	In: Chicago Linguistic Society. CLS. - Chicago, Ill. 37 (2001) 1, 45-52
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48	Optionality and ineffability
	Baković, Eric; Keer, Edward
	In: Optimality-theoretic syntax. - Cambridge, Mass. [u.a.] : MIT Press (2001), 97-112
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49	Vowel Harmony and Cyclicity in Eastern Nilotic
	Bakovic, Eric
	In: Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society; BLS 27: General Session and Parasession on Language and Gesture; 1-12 ; 2377-1666 ; 0363-2946 (2001)
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50	Harmony, Dominance and Control
	Bakovic, Eric. - New Brunswick, 2000
	Leibniz-Zentrum Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft
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51	"René Kager, Harry van der Hulst and Wim Zonneveld (eds.) (1999). The prosody-morphology interface. Cambridge University Press. Pp. IX+442" [Rezension]
	Baković, Eric; Keer, Edward
	In: Phonology. - Cambridge [u.a.] : Cambridge Univ. Press 17 (2000) 3, 484-494
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52	Reviews - The prosody-morphology interface
	Kager, René; Hulst, Harry van der; Zonneveld, Wim...
	In: Phonology. - Cambridge [u.a.] : Cambridge Univ. Press 17 (2000) 3, 484-494
	OLC Linguistik
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53	Transparency, strict locality, and targeted constraints
	Baković, Eric; Wilson, Colin
	In: West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics <19, 2000, Los Angeles, Calif.>. Proceedings of the 19th West Coast Conference on Formal Linguistics. - Somerville : Cascadilla Press 19 (2000), 43-56
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54	Nasal place neutralization in Spanish
	Baković, Eric
	In: University of Pennsylvania. University of Pennsylvania working papers in linguistics. - Philadelphia, Pa. : Univ. 7 (2000) 1, 1-13
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55	Nasal Place Neutralization in Spanish ...
	Bakovic, Eric. - : Penn Graduate Linguistics Society, University of Pennsylvania, 2000
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56	Harmony, Dominance and Control
	Bakovic, Eric (Author); Rutgers University; Graduate School-New Brunswick. - 2000
	Abstract: In this dissertation I argue for a general model of assimilation within Optimality Theory, with vowel harmony processes serving as a specific empirical testing ground. The model centers around agreement constraints. I demonstrate that the interaction among agreement constraints and other well-established constraints (particular members of the general markedness and faithfulness constraint families) is sufficient to account for the various vagaries of vowel harmony, and that representational devices such as crucial underspecification and autosegmental feature-sharing are consequently unnecessary. Vowel harmony processes can be either stem-controlled or dominant-recessive. Stem-controlled vowel harmony processes are the more familiar kind, where the harmonic feature value of vowels in the stem determines the harmonic feature value of vowels in subsequent affixes. In a language with a dominant-recessive vowel harmony process, on the other hand, one harmonic feature value is 'dominant' and the other is 'recessive' such that any dominant-valued morpheme vowel, stem or affix, determines the harmonic feature value of all other (otherwise recessive-valued) morpheme vowels. I offer a novel analysis of the distinction between stem-controlled and dominant-recessive vowel harmony processes. I argue that the phenomenon of stem control is due to the relatively higher rank of faithfulness constraints on the correspondence relation between stems and their affixed forms; i.e., that stem-controlled vowel harmony is a cyclic process. Dominance, on the other hand, is due to the relatively higher rank of a constraint that specifically prevents dominant-valued (here understood as 'unmarked') segments from becoming recessive-valued ('marked'). I argue that this type of constraint, a local conjunction of markedness and faithfulness, is independently required in order to explain the fact that a larger number of segments with a particular value of the harmonic feature do not ever "gang up" on a smaller number of segments with the opposite value, a universal fact that has otherwise proven to be difficult to guarantee as a general result. The factorial typology of the constraints relevant to the proposed model is thoroughly investigated, and several challenging examples (Yoruba, Maasai, Turkana and Nez Perce) are given detailed attention and analysis. Taken together, these components of the dissertation confirm the descriptive and explanatory adequacy of the proposed model. ; Ph.D.
	Keyword: Assimilation (Phonetics); Comparative and general--Vowel harmony; cyclicity; Direction in language; directionality; Grammar; Linguistics; Phonology; vowel harmony
	URL: http://hdl.rutgers.edu/1782.1/rucore00000002165.ETD.000064928
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57	Nasal Place Neutralization in Spanish
	Baković, Eric
	In: University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics (2000)
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58	Deletion, insertion, and symmetrical identity
	Baković, Eric
	In: Harvard working papers in linguistics. - Cambridge, Mass. : Dep. (1999) 7, 27-38
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59	Assimilation to the unmarked
	Baković, Eric
	In: University of Pennsylvania. University of Pennsylvania working papers in linguistics. - Philadelphia, Pa. : Univ. 6 (1999) 1, 1-16
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60	Assimilation to the Unmarked
	Bakovic, Eric
	In: University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics (1999)
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