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Weighting of amplitude and formant rise time cues by school-aged children : a mismatch negativity study
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22 |
Constraints on tone sensitivity in novel word learning by monolingual and bilingual infants : tone properties are more influential than tone familiarity
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23 |
Are lexical tones musical? : native language's influence on neural response to pitch in different domains
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24 |
Effect of linguistic and musical experience on distributional learning of nonnative lexical tones
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25 |
The origins of babytalk : smiling, teaching or social convergence?
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26 |
The temporal modulation structure of infant-directed speech
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27 |
Neural processing of amplitude and formant rise time in dyslexia
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Mature neural responses to infant-directed speech but not adult-directed speech in pre-verbal infants
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29 |
The time course for processing vowels and lexical tones : reading aloud Thai words
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Auditory-visual lexical tone perception in Thai elderly listeners with and without hearing impairment
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OZI : Australian English communicative development inventory
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Novel word learning, reading difficulties, and phonological processing skills
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Perceptual assimilation of lexical tone : the roles of language experience and visual information
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Abstract:
Using Best’s (1995) perceptual assimilation model (PAM), we investigated auditory–visual (AV), auditory-only (AO), and visual-only (VO) perception of Thai tones. Mandarin and Cantonese (tone-language) speakers were asked to categorize Thai tones according to their own native tone categories, and Australian English (non-tone-language) speakers to categorize Thai tones into their native intonation categories— for instance, question or statement. As comparisons, Thai participants completed a straightforward identification task, and another Australian English group identified the Thai tones using simple symbols. All of the groups also completed an AX discrimination task. Both the Mandarin and Cantonese groups categorized AO and AV Thai falling tones as their native level tones, and Thai rising tones as their native rising tones, although the Mandarin participants found it easier to categorize Thai level tones than did the Cantonese participants. VO information led to very poor categorization for all groups, and AO and AV information also led to very poor categorizations for the English intonation categorization group. PAM’s predictions regarding tone discriminability based on these category assimilation patterns were borne out for the Mandarin group’s AO and AV discriminations, providing support for the applicability of the PAM to lexical tones. For the Cantonese group, however, PAM was unable to account for one specific discrimination pattern— namely, their relatively good performance on the Thai high– rising contrast in the auditory conditions—and no predictions could be derived for the English groups. A full account of tone assimilation will likely need to incorporate considerations of phonetic, and even acoustic, similarity and overlap between nonnative and native tone categories.
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Keyword:
200404 - Laboratory Phonetics and Speech Science; 970120 - Expanding Knowledge in Languages; auditory perception; Communication and Culture; speech perception; tone (phonetics)
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URL: http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/uws:29511 https://doi.org/10.3758/s13414-014-0791-3
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35 |
Distributional learning of lexical tones : a comparison of attended vs unattended listening
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36 |
Universality and language-specific experience in the perception of lexical tone and pitch
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37 |
Auditory-visual augmentation of Thai lexical tone perception in the elderly
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38 |
Mandarin listeners can learn non-native lexical tones through distributional learning
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A tale of two features : perception of Cantonese lexical tone and English lexical stress in Cantonese-English bilinguals
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Auditory-visual tone perception in hearing impaired Thai listeners
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