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Quantifier Acquisition: Presuppositions of “every ” ∗
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In: http://www.hf.uio.no/ilos/forskning/aktuelt/arrangementer/konferanser/2007/SuB12/proceedings/yatsushiro_663-677.pdf
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Abstract:
Three components of determiner meanings – truth conditions, implicatures, and presuppositions – have been identified. One of the major findings in acquisition, related to the truth conditions of the quantifiers, has been that children go through at least two stages of non-adult interpretation of the quantifier every (Philip, 1995). More recently, researchers (Noveck, 2001; Gualmini et al., 2001; Chierchia, 2001b; Papafragou & Musolino, 2003) have shown that children understand quantifiers log-ically in a context where adults derive scalar implicatures (for example, some vs. all). In this paper, I focus on the third component of the determiner meaning, pre-supposition. Using Felicity Judgment Task, I argue that children acquire the lexical presupposition earlier than the implicated presupposition, and that the acquisition path of implicated presupposition resembles more closely that of scalar implicatures. 1
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URL: http://citeseerx.ist.psu.edu/viewdoc/summary?doi=10.1.1.590.2910
http://www.hf.uio.no/ilos/forskning/aktuelt/arrangementer/konferanser/2007/SuB12/proceedings/yatsushiro_663-677.pdf
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Hardts Surprising Sloppy Readings: A Flat Binding Account ∗
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In: http://www.hf.uio.no/ilos/forskning/aktuelt/arrangementer/konferanser/2007/SuB12/proceedings/sauerland_523-536.pdf
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Hardts Surprising Sloppy Readings: A Flat Binding Account ∗
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In: http://edocs.ub.uni-frankfurt.de/volltexte/2009/12748/pdf/SAUERLAND_Hardts_Surprising_Sloppy_Readings.pdf
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