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The AMAR mechanism: nominal expressions in the Bantu languages are shaped by apposition and reintegration.
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In: ISSN: 0024-3949 ; EISSN: 1613-396X ; Linguistics ; https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03433014 ; Linguistics, De Gruyter, In press, ⟨10.1515/ling-2020-0132⟩ (2022)
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| 2 |
Quality and Efficiency of Manual Annotation: Data from the Pre-annotation Bias Experiment (part of the PDT-C 2.0 project)
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Agreement attraction in English and Czech: A direct experimental comparison ...
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| 6 |
Subject–Verb Number Agreement in Bilingual Processing: (Lack of) Age of Acquisition and Proficiency Effects
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In: Languages; Volume 7; Issue 1; Pages: 15 (2022)
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| 7 |
A Note on Parameter Setting in Contact Situations
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In: Languages; Volume 7; Issue 1; Pages: 34 (2022)
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| 8 |
Paradigmatic Uniformity: Evidence from Heritage Speakers of Spanish
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In: Languages; Volume 7; Issue 1; Pages: 14 (2022)
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| 9 |
From Prolepsis to Hyperraising
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In: Philosophies; Volume 7; Issue 2; Pages: 32 (2022)
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| 10 |
Gender Agreement in a Language Contact Situation
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In: Languages; Volume 7; Issue 2; Pages: 81 (2022)
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| 11 |
Contact-Induced Change in the Domain of Grammatical Gender in Pontic Greek Spoken in Georgia
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In: Languages; Volume 7; Issue 2; Pages: 79 (2022)
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| 12 |
The AMAR mechanism: nominal expressions in the Bantu languages are shaped by apposition and reintegration.
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In: ISSN: 0024-3949 ; EISSN: 1613-396X ; Linguistics ; https://halshs.archives-ouvertes.fr/halshs-03433014 ; Linguistics, De Gruyter, In press, ⟨10.1515/ling-2020-0132⟩ (2022)
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| 13 |
Persons and Pronouns : Exploring Clitics in Judeo-Spanish
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Abstract:
Optional versus obligatory clitic doubling and the person-case constraint (PCC) repair constitute two puzzles researchers haven't fully addressed. In Judeo-Spanish, doubling is obligatory for third person accusative strong pronouns; for all other arguments, doubling is optional. This analysis contends arguments are generated with corresponding clitics in the syntax. The realization of clitics is regulated by functional heads: v and X, a head located beneath v. X is hypothesized to be a probe specified only for person; critically, third person accusative strong pronouns lack person features (Anagnostopoulou 2003), while other arguments bear person features. Optional doubling is regulated by alternations in Agree with v or X. An argument that appears without a co-referring clitic is derived via agreement with X. This interaction triggers deletion of clitics' phi-features, which causes them to be null. Overt cliticization is derived via agreement with v. Obligatory doubling is derived via Agree strictly with v; third person accusative strong pronouns cannot be potential goals for X since they lack person features. Apart from doubling, X generates the PCC repair by blocking Agree between v and dative clitics, causing dative arguments to appear without a matching clitic, and by eliminating intervention effects between v and accusative clitics
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Keyword:
Agreement; Clitic doubling; Person-case constraint; Syntax
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URL: https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/isogloss.138
https://ddd.uab.cat/record/255890
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| 14 |
PCC Effects with Expletives and Non-Associate Postverbal Subjects in Bolognese
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| 16 |
Reexamining the prefix of class 5 in Ronga language ; Reexaminando o prefixo nominal da classe 5 na língua ronga
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In: Domínios de Lingu@gem; Vol. 16 No. 2 (2022): Estudos sobre a relação entre gramática e língua: diversidade, unidade e métodos; 870-899 ; Domínios de Lingu@gem; v. 16 n. 2 (2022): Estudos sobre a relação entre gramática e língua: diversidade, unidade e métodos; 870-899 ; 1980-5799 (2022)
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| 17 |
Horse or pony? Visual Typicality and Lexical Frequency Affect Variability in Object Naming
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In: Proceedings of the Society for Computation in Linguistics (2022)
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| 18 |
Typological Implications of Tier-Based Strictly Local Movement
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In: Proceedings of the Society for Computation in Linguistics (2022)
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| 19 |
Constraint-driven Agree
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In: Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; Vol 7, No 1 (2022): Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; 5282 ; 2473-8689 (2022)
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| 20 |
Nominative subjects of infinitives in Hungarian subject-control predicates: Postsyntactic copying and the overt realization of PRO
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In: Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; Vol 7, No 1 (2022): Proceedings of the Linguistic Society of America; 5209 ; 2473-8689 (2022)
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