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More on Sibilant Devoicing in Spanish Diachrony: An Initial Phonetic Approach
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In: Languages; Volume 7; Issue 1; Pages: 27 (2022)
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16th century french final schwa: from variation to diachrony, an OT modelling ...
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16th century french final schwa: from variation to diachrony, an OT modelling ...
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An interactive visualization of Google Books Ngrams with R and Shiny : exploring a(n) historical increase in onset strength in a(n) huge database
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An interactive visualization of Google Books Ngrams with R and Shiny : exploring a(n) historical increase in onset strength in a(n) huge database
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Lanna Tai of the 16th century: A preliminary study of the Sino-Lanna Manual of Translation
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In: Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, Vol 14, Iss 2, Pp 1-19 (2021) (2021)
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Diachronic and areal aspects of Brokpa phonology
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In: Himalayan Linguistics, vol 19, iss 1 (2020)
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Chinese transcriptions of Indic terms in the translations of Ān Shìgāo 安世高 and Lokakṣema 支婁迦讖 ...
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Chinese transcriptions of Indic terms in the translations of Ān Shìgāo 安世高 and Lokakṣema 支婁迦讖 ...
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A Finite State Tranducer that models Chinese Historical Phonology ...
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A Finite State Tranducer that models Chinese Historical Phonology ...
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| 13 |
Natural explanations for the history of word-final dental fricatives in English
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| 14 |
Common Yue: A Comparative Study of Yue Dialect Historical Phonology
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| 15 |
An interactive visualization of Google Books Ngrams with R and Shiny: Exploring a(n) historical increase in onset strength in a(n) huge database
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In: Journal of Data Mining and Digital Humanities, Vol Special issue on Visualisations in Historical Linguistics (2020) (2020)
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| 16 |
Ming Shilu as Evidence of Devoicing of Voiced Obstruents in Siamese
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In: Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, Vol 13, Iss 2, Pp 67-95 (2020) (2020)
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| 17 |
Synchronically unexpected /n/ in the Balochi dialect of Iranshahr
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In: ISSN: 0078-6578 ; EISSN: 2001-7324 ; Orientalia Suecana ; https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-02263585 ; Orientalia Suecana, Uppsala Universitet, 2019, 62-68, pp.20-30. ⟨10.33063/diva-389901⟩ ; http://uu.diva-portal.org/smash/record.jsf?pid=diva2%3A1339766&dswid=-5816 (2019)
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| 18 |
Sound change ; On henka (音変化)
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In: Meikai hōgengaku jiten (明解方言学辞典) [The Sanseido dictionary of dialectology] ; https://hal.archives-ouvertes.fr/hal-01383790 ; Kibe, Nobuko (木部 暢子). Meikai hōgengaku jiten (明解方言学辞典) [The Sanseido dictionary of dialectology], Sanseidō, pp.28-29, 2019, 978-4-385-13579-3 (2019)
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| 19 |
Greek *Ci̯ clusters
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Abstract:
Das Ziel dieser Arbeit ist es, die Geschichte der primären *Ci̯-Cluster im Griechischen zu verfolgen. Die Dissertation ist in acht Kapitel eingeteilt. Kapitel 1 befasst sich mit der Frühgeschichte von *t(h)i̯ und *k(u̯)(h)i̯, wobei zwei Probleme insbesondere im Vordergrund stehen: 1) die Entwicklung von *(-C)ti̯- zu /(-C)s-/ in den t-Dialekten, und 2) die Fortsetzung von *(-R)ki̯- durch böot., kret. /(-R)s-/ vs. att., eub. /(-R)t-/. Es wird argumentiert, dass nichtgeminiertes *(-C)ts- (jeglicher Herkunft) zu einem frühen Zeitpunkt frikativiert wurde, als Folge einer Erweiterung der Regel *-ts > -s. Je nachdem ob *(-R)ki̯- zum Zeitpunkt der Frikativierung mit *(-C)ts- zusammengefallen war oder nicht, wurde erstere Sequenz schließlich zu einem Frikativ (vgl. *ki̯- > böot. /s-/, *-Rki̯- > kret. /-Rs-/) oder teilte die Entwicklung von intervokalischem *-ki̯- (vgl. *ki̯- > att., eub. /t-/). Kapitel 2 befasst sich mit bestimmten Fragen der phonologischen Entwicklung der Gruppen *di̯ und *gi̯. Kapitel 3 untersucht Aspekte der Geschichte von *-Ri̯-. Es wird unter anderem vorgeschlagen, dass das Ergebnis von *-er/ni̯- nicht nur -ēr/n-, -err/nn- war, sondern auch -ei̯r/n-, (teilweise) abhängig vom Dialekt. Kapitel 4 befasst sich mit den Details des Lautwandels *pi̯ > /pt/. In Kapitel 5 wird dargelegt, dass die griechischen Reflexe von *-u̯i̯-, nämlich -i̯i̯- und/oder -i̯u̯-, am besten als Produkte einer Palatalisierung verstanden werden. Kapitel 6 bietet einen vollständigen Überblick über die Entwicklung von urgr. *-si̯-. Es wird behauptet, dass das Ergebnis dieses Clusters nach jedem Vokal und in allen Dialekten -i̯i̯- war (unabhängig vom Vorhandensein oder Nichtvorhandensein einer Morphemgrenze) und dass *s (oder *h) vor *i̯ palatalisiert wurde. In Kapitel 7 wird die Chronologie des Verlusts von *i̯ nach Konsonanten im Verhältnis zu anderen Lautwandeln erörtert. Die wichtigsten Ergebnisse der Dissertation sind in Kapitel 8 zusammengefasst. ; The scope of the present thesis is to trace the history of primary *Ci̯ clusters in Greek. The dissertation is divided into eight chapters. Chapter 1 explores the early history of *t(h)i̯ and *k(u̯)(h)i̯ with particular emphasis on the development of *(-C)ti̯- and *(-R)ki̯-. The former unexpectedly became /(-C)s-/ in the t-dialects, while *(-R)ki̯- yielded /(-R)s-/ in Cretan and Boeotian, but /(-R)t-/ in Attic and Euboean. It is argued that singleton *(-C)ts- from any source was fricativized at an early date in strong positions, by extension of the rule that fricativized original (singleton) *-ts word finally. Depending on whether or not *(-R)ki̯- had merged with *(-C)ts- at the time of the fricativization, the former sequence either resulted in a fricative (cf. *ki̯- > Boeot. /s-/, *-Rki̯- > Cret. /-Rs-/), or followed the development of intervocalic *-ki̯- (cf. *ki̯- > Att., Eub. /t-/). Chapter 2 examines certain issues related to the historical phonology of the groups *di̯ and *gi̯. Chapter 3 investigates aspects of the history of *-Ri̯-. It is proposed, among other things, that the outcome of *-er/ni̯- was both -ēr/n- and -ei̯r/n- outside Aeolic, (partly) depending on the dialect. Chapter 4 is concerned with the details of the sound change *pi̯ > /pt/. In Chapter 5 it is argued that the Greek reflexes of *-u̯i̯-, namely -i̯i̯- and -i̯u̯-, are best understood as products of palatalization. Chapter 6 offers a full account of the development of PGk. *-si̯-. It is contended that the result of that cluster was -i̯i̯- after any vowel and in all dialects (irrespective of the presence or not of a morpheme boundary), and that *s was palatalized before yod at some point in its history. Chapter 7 discusses the chronology of the loss of yod after consonants relative to other sound changes. The most important findings of the dissertation are summarized in chapter 8.
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Keyword:
17.15 Historische Linguistik; Historical grammar of Greek / historical phonology / palatalization / Greek *Ci̯; Historische Grammatik des Griechischen / Historische Phonologie / Palatalisierung
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URL: http://othes.univie.ac.at/62834/
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| 20 |
Vietnamese Initial Consonant Clusters in Quốc Ngữ Documents from the 17th to Early 19th Centuries
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In: Journal of the Southeast Asian Linguistics Society, Vol 12, Iss 1, Pp 143-162 (2019) (2019)
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