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Comparing Positional Licensing Patterns in HG and OT
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In: Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology; Proceedings of the 2020 Annual Meeting on Phonology ; 2377-3324 (2021)
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Cumulative constraint interaction and the equalizer of OT and HG
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In: Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology; Proceedings of the 2019 Annual Meeting on Phonology ; 2377-3324 (2020)
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The Tunica Stress Conspiracy Revisited
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In: Proceedings of the Annual Meetings on Phonology; Proceedings of the 2015 Annual Meeting on Phonology ; 2377-3324 (2016)
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Abstract:
Kisseberth (1970b) distinguishes rules in Tunica (Haas 1940) that are subject to a constraint penalizing adjacent stresses from rules that are not subject to this constraint. This distinction appears on the surface to be particularly suited to a straightforward analysis within OT (Prince & Smolensky 1993): No-Clash is ranked above constraints responsible for the rules that are subject to it and below constraints responsible for the rules that are not. The full range of relevant facts in Tunica suggest that No-Clash is only crucially dominated and violated lexically, however; postlexically, No-Clash is undominated and there are no adjacent stresses on the surface. An analysis within Stratal OT (Bermúdez-Otero 1999, Kiparsky 2000) is proposed and defended.
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Keyword:
apocope; Optimality Theory; Stratal OT; stress; syncope; Tunica; vowel deletion
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URL: http://journals.linguisticsociety.org/proceedings/index.php/amphonology/article/view/3687
https://doi.org/10.3765/amp.v3i0.3687
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